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[The] cause that has contributed to these deaths, riots and outbreaks has been the constant opposition to the Pimas which in turn has been founded on sinister suspicions and false testimony as well as on rash judgments because of which many unjust killings have been perpetrated in various parts of the Pimeria. ... The Pimas have been viciously and unjustly blamed for the thefts of the livestock and the plunder of the frontiers. ....it is evident that the treatment of the natives in the Pimeria has been very unjust — leading as it has to mistreatment, torture and murder.

Eusebio Francisco Kino
Kino's Biography of Father Saeta 1696

Decisive Years for Pimería Alta 1695-1696
Ernest J. Burrus

Kino's 1695 Teatros Map Illustrating His Saeta Biography
With Kino's History of Previous Attempts To Settle The Californias

Kino Welcomes Saeta and Discovers Casa Grande

Kino discusses the trip with Father Francisco Javier Saeta in two of his books - in the general diary and in his biography of the missionary. [1a] When Saeta chose Nuestra [72] Señora del Caborca as his mission center, forty-four leagues (one hundred and ten miles) due west of Dolores, Kino offered to accompany him and introduce him to his charges. The veteran missionary generously gave to the newcomer one hundred head of cattle, a like number of sheep, a drove of twenty mares with their foals and studs, draft mules, riding horses and mules, sixty "fanegas" of provisions, and house furniture. Kino had begun the construction of a large church and a suitable residence. He also donated a portable altar, hosts, wine, and all else that was needed for Mass and other services.

Kino and Saeta set out from Dolores on Tuesday, October 19. A ride of twenty-five miles brought them to Magdalena, where they spent the night. The next day they continued on to San Bartolomé via Santa Marta. On October 21, they reached San Pedro del Tubutama in time for a siesta. Before sundown they entered San Diego del Pitquín, a dependent mission station of Caborca. The natives of both missions received Kino and Saeta jubilantly with crosses and arches. With a missionary in Caborca, only twenty leagues from the Gulf of California, Kino felt that another and significant step forward had been made in his return to Lower California.

Kino remained in Caborca until Saturday, October 23, when he started back to his home mission of Dolores, traveling via San Pedro del Tubutama.

Kino, accompanied by some of his servants and native officials, set out from Dolores in November of 1694 to investigate the Casa Grande area forty-three leagues to the northwest of San Xavier del Bac. When Manje was in Cups in June of the same year, the natives told him about some large houses to the north; the officer, in turn, informed the missionary, but, because of the Apache raids, he could not personally [73] participate in an expedition that so fascinated him." |2a| Kino recorded that these large structures "are along the large-volumed Gila which flows out of New Mexico and has its source near Acoma." This is an almost verbatim citation from Manje's entry. Kino did not forget to include this information on the earliest extant map drawn after the expedition, the superb "Teatro de los Trabajos Apostólicos " of 1695-1696. |3a| 

Kino did not compile a detailed day-by-day account like those by Manje. About the long ride from Dolores to the Casa Grande area he does not say a word. His first mention is that of El Tusonimo - renamed by him La Encarnación - where he said Mass on the first Sunday in Advent, November 28, 1694. Gathered there were many other Indians from the ranchería of El Coatoydag, further west, named by him San Andrés.

The Indians from these two settlements were, according to the missionary, "all affable and docile people," who told him about two friendly nations living further on, along the Gila to the west, on the Azul to the northwest, and on the Colorado much further to the west. He learned their names - the Opas and the Cocomaricopas. These new nations will henceforth find frequent mention in his diary, letters, plans, and maps. |4a| He will also, of course, visit them and plead for them. He learned that their language was very different from Piman; he found it very clear. As there were some natives who spoke both, he compiled" with ease" ("con facilidad") a vocabulary of the new language. He sketched a map of these lands with the data to be incorporated in all subsequent cartographical productions, determining the latitude for it with an astrolabe.

Kino then describes the "casa grande": a four-story building at the time, "as large as a castle and about the size of the largest church in the Sonoran province." He knew about [74] the legend that Moctezuma and the Aztecs, hard pressed by the Apaches, left their home in the west for these large houses and then later traveled southward to found the city of Mexico. Close to the main casa grande there were thirteen smaller houses, which in Kino's time were already considerably dilapidated; from these and the ruins of many other houses, he concluded that "in ancient times there had been a city here." He also reasoned from the presence of ruins and numerous objects ("metates," jars, and charcoal) that in this area were located the famous cities of Fray Marcos de Niza. He concluded his brief account by observing that "the unconverted and Christian Pimas, the Opas, and the Cocomaricopas remained profoundly consoled" by his visit among them.

In 1694, about to end, Kino had undertaken five expeditions with the notable achievements.

Kino's 1696 Map Illustrating His Saeta Biography
With Kino's Drawing of Father Saeta's Death

Tubutama Uprising and More Deaths in The Western Pimeria

We saw that, in October of 1694, Kino accompanied the new missionary, Father Francisco Javier Saeta, from Dolores to Caborca in order to introduce him to his flock and to initiate him in the spiritual ministry of his vast parish.

Kino designated servants, interpreters, a catechist, a cook, a herdsman, and other assistants to help run the mission. A flourishing garden soon sprang up around Saeta’s residence. The new missionary taught the Indians not only their catechism through the interpreters and the catechist, but also how to till their fields, raise cattle, and construct better homes.

Kino’s generous financial assistance, however, was not sufficient for all that Saeta wished to have for his missions at and near Caborca, especially because of the extreme poverty of the natives. Hence he set out, in mid-November of 1694, accompanied by several Caborcan Indians, to beg alms in some of the earlier Jesuit missions in Sonora, journeying in all some six hundred miles. In December of 1694, Kino met Saeta in Arizpe as he himself was on his way to Mexico City. Kino, however, would have to delay the trip for some time because General Jironza, the military governor, wished him to remain in Pimería Alta while preparations were being made against the marauding Jocomes, Janos, and Sumas.

By the end of January of 1695, Saeta had come to Kino’s home mission of Dolores, where they discussed plans for the future and the most effective mission methods. In the meanwhile Kino had sent him more horses and mules. Saeta thanked him in several letters written during March, and reminded him that he was reserving part of the cattle and produce in Caborca for the Lower California missions to be established.

Ominous war cries cut short such bright prospects. On April 1, 1695, Good Friday of that year, Saeta wrote to Kino to tell him that the Jocomes had raided San Pedro del Tubutama — Father Januske, its pastor, was fortunately absent at the time of the attack — and that they had killed several of the natives, among them two of his servants.

The Pimas of Tubutama took advantage of the confusion caused by the Jocome raid in order to kill the hated Opata overseers of Januske and incited the Pimas of the nearby dependent missions of San Antonio de Oquitoa and San Diego del Pítquin to accompany them on an attack against Caborca.

As the sun rose on Holy Saturday, April 2, the Indians entered the missionary’s house, where he received them cordially. As he stood in the doorway to bid them farewell, two of the natives drew their bows and shot him with arrows; they then followed him into the house and, as he lay dying, repeatedly shot him with more arrows. Saeta’s four faithful servants met a like fate.

This was the spark that set the Pimería Alta province ablaze. The almost superhuman efforts of Kino and Manje to pacify the Pimas lies beyond the scope of this volume. [See below sections entitled "Rebellion in the Valley" and "Campaign In Western Pimeria Alta and Commanders"]. The reader will find listed in the notes the key sources on this important episode in the history of the borderlands. The tragic and senseless slaughter of the many innocent along with a few guilty ringleaders in El Tupo, at a place appropriately called “La Matanza,” recalls Atondo’s similar massacre in La Paz, Lower California. The Pimas were not frightened into submission but aroused to rightful anger. At El Tupo the Spanish soldiery had sown a storm and for the next few decisive months were to reap a province-wide whirlwind.
 

Kino and O'odham Trail Companions Arrive In Mexico City
Part of City Hall Mural in Magdalena de Kino

Kino's Ride for Justice and Peace To Mexico City

Kino was tireless in his efforts to reassure the innocent. As peacemaker, he could draw on his long experience and even more on the general goodwill he had created and accumulated since first coming to them in 1687. The Pimas believed his word and submitted. He knew, however, that the future of Pimería Alta would not be decided in this rim of Christendom but in Mexico City, Madrid, and Rome. This realization determined his activity for the next few months. Unless he could convince authorities in these three centers that the Pima rebellion was not the work of the nation as a whole but of a very few malcontents — most of whom had already repented — the missions in Pimería would be ordered abandoned and might not be re-activated for many years to come. The soldiers would retreat to safer presidios, and the colonists would abandon the mines, ranches, and farms. The Apaches and their confederates would have a free hand to kill and plunder at will. Not only the future of Pimería Alta was at stake, but all the projects for expansion into Lower and Upper California, and into the regions along the Gila and Colorado Rivers.

Hence his decision to attempt to win over the policymakers in the three key cities by hurrying to Mexico City, the most important of the centers from which to fight for his cause. Here he would explain his version of events to civil and ecclesiastical authorities in order to prevent any adverse and irrevocable decision being taken and any unfavorable report being sent to Madrid and Rome. From the abundant documentation he preserved at Dolores, he wrote an account of the recent tragic events and a biography of Saeta, and delineated two superb maps to illustrate the volume. Of all this material he made several copies.

“Setting out from these missions of Sonora on November 16, 1695, in seven weeks, and after a journey of five hundred leagues, I arrived in Mexico City on January 8, 1696,” he recorded in his diary. He added, “It was God’s will that I should be able to say Mass every day of the journey; and three Masses on Christmas I said in the new Jesuit church in Guadalajara. The same day on which I arrived in Mexico City, Father Juan María Salvatierra reached the capital by another route. That very morning Father Juan de Palacios entered as the new provincial.” The Conde de Galve, viceroy of Mexico since 1688, would remain in office until shortly after Kino’s departure for Pimería Alta.

The missionary remained exactly one month in Mexico City. Bolton thus sums up his activity during those days: “While in the capital Kino showed his usual vigor, and succeeded with some of his purposes. He had long sessions with Father Palacios, the new provincial, and conferred personally with the viceroy and members of the  Royal Audiencia. He made a heavy assault upon the false charges against and the grave abuses heaped upon the Pimas. As Alegre tells us, ‘He showed that in the recent uprising the guilty parties were some captains of the presidios who were excessively arrogant.’  Solís of course was one of them. ‘He demonstrated clearly the iniquity with which they had outraged the inhabitants of Mototicatzi ’, obtained a decision in their favor, ‘and an order that they should be restored to their lands.’ Finally, he accomplished the primary object of his journey, for the provincial assured him that he should have five new missionaries for Pima Land . . . While in the capital Kino and Salvatierra jointly urged the resumption of missions in California, now ten years abandoned, but at the time they did not succeed.”

Kino, however, accomplished very much else. As we have seen, he finished the biography of Saeta, which was at the same time a defense of the majority of the Pimas, and saw to it that copies of the book got into influential hands. Still more important, he carried on a lengthy correspondence with officials and influential friends in Madrid and Rome. .....

Tirso Gonzaléz, Jesuit general at the time, wrote to Palacios, the Mexican provincial, three letters dated July 28, 1696, which refer to Kino and clearly reflect the missionary’s defense of the Pimas — it is clear that the general has made Kino’s thesis his own. In the first of these messages, he merely informs the provincial that he grants permission to publish Kino’s life of Saeta.

In the second, he obviously makes Kino’s interpretation of the Pima revolt his own. “The rebellion of the Pimas, in which Father Francisco Javier Saeta met with such a glorious death, would cause us to fear for the very existence of those new missions if we listened to the gloomy reports of some persons. According to them the Pimas are of unstable character; they claim that these natives entertain hatred against the missionaries and refuse to settle down to live in civilized towns. But obviously these are reports made by those who are unacquainted with what has really happened. According to the account sent us by Father Eusebio Francisco Kino, the rebellion was the work of a few; and even these are now so repentant that they themselves have helped in apprehending the ringleaders of the revolt and of the sacrilegious assassination of Father Saeta and the three Indian children who served him.”  .....

Gonzaléz goes on to propound for the benefit of the Mexican provincial one of the key theses of Kino’s biography of Saeta: “The Gospel has been disseminated only through the shedding of innocent blood. Hence I think that, in the present instance also, the blood of Saeta will produce a flourishing Christian community ” in Pimería Alta.

The general’s third letter is an incomparable defense of Kino’s line of action and of the man himself: “Your predecessor withdrew Father Kino from the missions; the missionary himself has written to me from Mexico City. He has been led to believe that he was summoned to report on the missions and to discuss with the viceroy the means of re-activating the California enterprise. But the letters of your predecessor state that the real motive was to get him out of the missions and keep him in the Province.

“If this is so, I cannot possibly approve such a decision, inasmuch as it deprives those missions of a most devoted worker who has toiled there with untiring zeal and boundless enthusiasm. Such has been his success that were he now employed at other tasks, he should be freed from them, and sent to the missions; so far am I from approving your withdrawing him from them! .....

 “Accordingly, your Reverences will allow him to return to the missions. You will let him work there, inasmuch as ‘the just man is not to be hemmed in by any law \ I am convinced that Kino is a chosen instrument of Our Lord for His cause in those missions. ”

Fortunately, Kino did return to the northern missions. Copies of the letter just quoted were sent to his more immediate superiors, who, in consequence of it, did not oppose him as openly.  ....

Kino’s most complete plan or project for the development of Pimería Alta and adjacent regions is contained in his life of Saeta. He began working on the biography before he left for Mexico City on November 16, 1695, and finished it before setting out on the return trip on February 8, 1696. His two maps, completed sometime in 1696, record the numerous expeditions he made in Lower California and on the Mexican mainland.  .....

The life of Saeta deals with the following topics, listed according to the seven extant books: The first book: the coming of Saeta to Caborca and his pioneer apostolic activity there and in the dependent missions. The second book: the second period of Saeta’s work in the same missions as derived from the missionary’s letters. The third book: the assassination of Saeta and his servants.

The fourth book: an important series of original documents reproduced verbatim on the optimistic outlook for the future of the region despite the violent death of Saeta, and fifteen other biographical sketches of earlier missionaries who met a like fate at the hands of the natives without the necessity of abandoning the missions. The sixteenth biographical sketch is that of Saeta.

The fifth book: the military efforts to pacify the rebellious Indians; the effective cooperation of the friendly natives; and also a tragic mistake with disastrous consequences. The sixth book: the present prosperous state of the missions in Pimería Alta; the historical background; Kino’s arrival in the area, his work, and his success. Special emphasis is given to the objections urged by some against the continuance of the missions in the area.

The seven book: this last part of the biography is unique in the history of Mexico. It is a presentation of the missionary methods employed by Saeta and still more by Kino, a penetrating analysis of the mental and emotional world of the Pima Indians, and their reactions to the teachings and demands of Christianity.

A brief word about each of these topics. .....

Book three is more than a mere recital of the assassination of Saeta; it is a penetrating analysis of the causes that brought it about, with practical suggestions for remedying the situation and preventing a repetition in the future. Kino rejects the false accusation that all the Pimas are involved. He proves from numerous sources that the main motive was the injustice and cruelty inflicted on the Indians of San Pedro del Tubutama, particularly the inhuman treatment inflicted by the Opata overseers. The Pimas were unjustly accused of theft, with consequent vexations, cruelty, and death caused among them by invading Spanish troops; further, the Indians of San Antonio de Oquitoa joined in the attack on Caborca because they felt deceived and insulted by the numerous false promises made to them, particularly that missionaries would be sent to them. Saeta’s own charges — children ("hijos"), Kino calls them — were not guilty of their missionary’s death, nor were they involved in the rebellion, but rather victims of it.  .....

Book five is a clear account of the campaigns to pacify the rebellious natives and to punish the guilty. He devotes a chapter to the cooperation of the friendly Indians. Kino manfully relates the tragic mistakes of some of the Spaniards and of their Indian allies resulting in the massacre of innocent natives and the consequent attacks on other missions. This frankness may account for the fact that the Saeta biography did not find its way into print during Kino’s lifetime.  ....

Kino now comes to the last and by far the most valuable book [book seven] for the student of the history of Mexico and the American Southwest, inasmuch as it furnishes him with the key to Kino’s method of winning over the natives, of his being able to travel among them even unescorted when he so chose, of securing their cooperation in evangelizing the areas far beyond the limits of his own mission, of securing their confidence, allegiance, loyalty, trust, and devotion to a degree unparalleled in the mission annals of Mexico. Let us take a closer look at the book.

Kino packs a world of information and advice into its few pages: the principles which should inspire the missionary in his work, the principles to be kept in mind and followed in order to preserve and augment the missions, the abilities and qualities required of a successful missionary, the objections brought against this apostolate, and the best means to carry on an effective and successful apostolate.

The author attributed to Saeta the principles and advice contained in the last book. Kino, however, also made them his own; further, a considerable portion of them presupposes a longer experience with the Indians than Saeta could have acquired in the few months he spent among them.

After listing and discussing the three key principles which should inspire the missionary in his arduous task — a sincere affection for the natives, a boundless generosity towards them, and a truly heroic endurance of the inevitable hardships — he stressed the importance of personal dedication to his work. It will not suffice to merely direct others to attend to the various tasks — instruction of the natives, visiting and consoling the sick, building churches, and so on. The Indians must see that the missionary is personally interested in them and that he will spend himself for their welfare, both eternal and temporal. And, although the divine assistance is more important than human effort, the former will not be forthcoming unless man does his part.

In discussing the principles to be kept in mind and followed in order to preserve and augment the missions, the two men agreed that the centers for the conversion of the natives and the teaching of the faith to them were to do without military assistance, as far as possible, and they were to rely solely on peaceful means. .....

Kino's Fight for Justice & Peace Continues After Return

Kino remained in Mexico City until February 8, 1696. Father Antonio de Benavides, whose immediate destination was Durango, accompanied him part of the way. Kino stopped in Conicari, where he had been eight years earlier, in order to lend a helping hand with Holy Week services. After Easter Sunday, April 22, he continued on to Santa María de Bazeraca, where he discussed the more urgent mission problems with the newly appointed visitor general, Horacio Políce. Because of the insecurity of the highways, Kino was ordered to travel in the company of Captain Cristobal de Leon, Jr., and his men. Kino had a very narrow escape: while he left the contingent to pay a visit to Father Francisco Carranco, superior at Nacori, and Father Pedro del Marmol, pastor of Huásabas, the marauding Jocomes fell upon the party he had just left, slaying the captain and all his men near the mission of Oputo.  .....

In the middle of May, 1696, Kino returned to Dolores after an absence of half a year spent on his trip to Mexico City. He had sent a messenger to all parts of Pimería telling the people that Kino was returning. Native officials of every rank accepted the invitation to come to Dolores in June. What a colorful gathering this must have been! Kino greeted new and old friends with a cordiality all his own; he spoke to them in Piman, conversing with each and I addressing them in full assembly. The native officials had come in large numbers from many northern areas, walking fifty, a hundred and more leagues to reach Dolores. They came pleading for baptism and resident missionaries in their settlements. Kino could now reassure them of the promises he had received from his superiors and government officials.

Religious instruction took up much of the time, leading to the solemn ceremonies of baptism of those judged adequately prepared for its reception, but the missionary did not lose the opportunity to propose a plan of mutual defense and security against the ever-alert Apaches, nor did he forget to insist on means to improve the lot of the common people. The Pimas showed their gratitude in a very practical way by helping Kino and his servants harvest the wheat at Dolores.

Just when prospects seemed brightest for the future of Pimería Alta, widespread rumors and opposition blocked all progress. Reports and rumors got abroad that the Pimas were in revolt, that they had joined the enemy Indians in raiding, stealing, and killing; that they had slain Kino and others. The immediate result of such calumnies was to hold back the promised missionaries, mistrust the Pimas, and even punish them.

Kino fought back with all the strength he could muster.

He personally investigated and refuted every accusation. He wrote reports to defend the truth; he secured witnesses to support his cause. Fortunately, his efforts in defense of the Pimas were seconded by the new visitor general, Father Horacio Políce. The next series of expeditions reflect these valiant endeavors in behalf of his beloved Pimas. .....

So great was the pressure of the Pima chiefs on Kino to secure missionaries for their villages that, when many of them gathered at Dolores in September of 1697, coming from fifty to a hundred and more leagues, he decided to accompany them to Santa María de Bazeraca, where Políce resided. Santa María was across the mountains close to the Chihuahua border, more than a hundred leagues (250 miles) from Dolores.

The travelers followed a trail familiar to Kino from his first trip to Dolores in 1687: via the Real de San Juan, the capital of Sonora, then Oposura (modern Moctezuma) and Guasabas (modern Huásabas). Everywhere the lay people and the missionaries gave them a cordial reception ("agasajo").

On Sunday, feast of Nuestra Señora del Rosario, October 6, the party reached Bazeraca. Políce received them with every expression of kindness and affection. Kino noted in his diary that “the next day Father Políce sang a solemn high Mass in honor of the three holy kings, the first gentiles who came to adore the Messiah.”

After making a thorough investigation of the accusations against the Pimas, Políce was convinced of their innocence and wrote a letter in their defense to the military commander. He also promised that additional missionaries for Pimería Alta would soon arrive and requested more soldiers to defend the missions and their peaceful natives. With these reassurances Kino and his Pima friends rode back to Dolores.

Above accounts from:
Chapter 6 - The Remaining Explorations in 1694
Chapter 7 - Decisive Years for Pimería Alta: 1695-1696
Chapter 8 - Discovering New Lands and Peoples: 1696-1697

Excerpts from: "Kino and Manje: Explorers of Sonora and Arizona" 1971
By Edward J. Burrus

To view entire chapters, click
Kino's Ride for Justice and Peace

The book includes an appendix of thirty documents  translated by Ernest J. Burrus and map and place finder by Ronald L. Ives.

Tepeyac Hill and Mexico City
From El Valle de México Visto desde El Cerro de Santa Isabel 1875
José María Velasco

In The Capital Once More
Herbert E. Bolton

His book finished, Kino started for Mexico posthaste, to request more missionaries for his Pima Land and to report the abuses which hindered his work. His long ride to the capital and his fervent appeal to the authorities constitute the next chapter in the story. The decision to make the journey was no sudden event. Soon after he and Manje in February 1694 caught sight of California from the mountain of El Nazareno, Kino had written to the provincial asking permission to go to the capital to discuss the extension of missions into the explored mainlands, and the renewal of efforts in California. The permission was granted, but his going at this time was prevented by the protests of soldiers, officials, citizens, and missionaries, who reported to Mexico that Kino was needed in the Pimería, where he was "accomplishing more than a well-governed presidio." The Pima uprising of 1695, lasting [329] from April to the end of August, together with Kino's illness, still further delayed his going.

Now there were added reasons for the journey. It was rumored that Solis had made pernicious reports to Mexico regarding the Pimas. Complaints had been made of Kino's own methods, and he wished to answer them face to face with the authorities. And he had business with Salvatierra. So, when the peace agreements of August 30 relieved the pressure of home affairs, he decided to avail himself of the license, "almost an order, ... from the father provincial, and go to Mexico for the good of so many souls in need." As a preparation he wrote his book on the martyrdom of Father Saeta. To care for Dolores in his absence, Campos was called from San Ignacio.

"And so," he says, "setting out from these missions of Sonora on the sixteenth of November, 1695, in seven weeks, and after a journey of five hundred leagues, I arrived in Mexico on January 8, 1696." He had retraced his northward route traveled eight years before, when first he came to Pima Land. A fifteen-hundred-mile horseback ride was no small undertaking. |1| He adds, "It was God's will that I should be able to say Mass every day of this journey; and the three masses of the Feast of the Nativity I said in the new church of Nuestra Señora de Loreto of Guadalaxara. The same day on which I arrived at Mexico Father Juan Maria Salvatierra arrived by another route, |3| while that morning the new government was being installed, Father Juan de Palacios having entered as provincial."

Kino took with him to Mexico some Indian boys, among them the son of the captain general of the Pimería (head Indian of mission Dolores), as samples of the people for whom he went to plead. And they "received the utmost kindness and favors from the new father provincial and his predecessor, from his Excellency the Conde de Galve, and even from her Ladyship, the viceroy's wife, who were delighted at seeing new people who came from parts and lands so remote."

It was now fifteen years since Father Eusebio had first arrived in Mexico City from Europe, and nine since he had left there for Pima Land. A decade and a half on the frontier doubtless had left their [330] marks on his face and hands as well as on his outlook upon the world. Then he was ready to go with the ship, now he was steering it. He had become a man of affairs. Many of his old friends of first days had departed, some to their final reward, but a few were left to welcome him and listen to his tales of the border. Sigüenza was still in the capital, and Kino tells us that he was still nursing an imaginary grievance. Whether or not they met does not appear. In the interim Don Carlos, too, had been a pioneer, having taken part in the exploration of Pensacola Bay. He, as well as Father Eusebio, had become a royal cosmógrafo and thus found practical use for his mathematics.

While in the capital Kino showed his usual vigor, and succeeded with some of his purposes. He had long sessions with Father Palacios, the new provincial, and conferred personally with the viceroy and members of the Royal Audiencia. He made a heavy assault upon the false charges against and the grave abuses heaped upon his Pimas. As Alegre tells us, "He showed that in the recent uprising the guilty parties were some captains of the presidios who were excessively arrogant." Solis of course was one of them. "He demonstrated clearly the iniquity with which they had outraged the inhabitants of Mototicatzi," obtained a decision in their favor, "and an order that they should be restored to their lands." |A| Finally, he accomplished the primary object of his journey, for the provincial assured him that he should have five new missionaries for Pima Land. If the gossips spoke the truth, this friendly act did not prevent Palacios from ad­ monishing Father Eusebio to avoid irritating his colleagues. While in the capital Kino and Salvatierra jointly urged the resumption of missions in California, now ten years abandoned, but at the time they did not succeed. |4|

On February 8 Kino set out for the Pimería, accompanied for a distance by Father Antonio Benavides, who turned aside to Durango to prepare himself for work in Pima Land. |5| At Conicari Father [331] Eusebio stopped to observe Holy Week. From there he forwarded mail to Horacio Polici, including the dispatch appointing Polici visitor for the new triennium. Somewhat more slowly Kino followed, going to Bazeraca, far over the mountains near the Chihuahua border, to consult the new visitor about plans for the future. Henceforth the relations of these two Black Robes were intimate, it' not always placid.

On his way from Bazeraca to Dolores Kino had a narrow escape from death, an incident which he passes by with casual comment. The Jocomes were again on a rampage. By good luck Kino got safely through, but his escort was not so fortunate. "I had to return in the company of Captain Christóbal de León, his son, and his men, for the greater security of my person; but his Divine Majesty saved me from the great misfortune into which his Grace fell, for the hostile Jocomes killed him and all his people on the road not very far from Oputo, while I went to say goodbye to father rector Francisco Carranco and Father Pedro del Marmol." In the middle of May Kino arrived at Dolores after an absence of half a year. Father Campos now returned to San Ignacio. |5|

With Padre Eusebio on the job, the border awoke from a six month's sleep. His return was the occasion for a grand assemblage of Pima chiefs. While on his way to Bazeraca he had sent a messenger to Dolores to order the Indian officials there to go to all parts of the Pimería telling the people that Padre Eusebio was on his way home. They promptly complied, visited the villages, and invited governors, alcaldes, capitanes, fiscales, and caciques to come to welcome Kino and hear his messages from the great men in Mexico. In June, at the appointed time, the chiefs arrived at Dolores from all the country round. What happened there should be carefully noted. It appears like a simple matter of course, but it had an echo later.

Kino assembled the visitors in the church and addressed them in the Pima tongue. He told them how glad he was to be back, and delivered to them greetings from the viceroy; from Juan de Palacios, the new [332] provincial; and from Polici, the new visitor. "And these captains and governors and their families, having understood them all, unanimously gave signs of great gratitude for such friendly remembrances." As a more substantial way of showing their gratitude, the chiefs all turned in and helped Kino harvest his wheat, as they customarily did every year. For several days the sickles sang through the yellow grain in the valley below the church. While they were at Dolores some of the visitors were catechized and baptized; others who asked for baptism were denied it on the ground that they had not been sufficiently instructed. Under circumstances which will appear, this was a detail worth mentioning. As a record of this gathering and as evidence of Pima loyalty, a formal report of the assembly was sent to Mexico, including a list of all the Indians who took part in it. |6| [333]

Herbert E. Bolton
Chapter 90
"In The Capital Once More"
"Rim of Christendom:
A Biography of Eusebio Francisco Kino: Pacific Coast Pioneer"

Footnotes
|1| Kino had just passed his fiftieth birthday.
|2| Salvatierra at this time was serving at the novitiate of Tepótzotlan.
|3| Kino, "Favores Celestiales," Parte I, Lib. v, Cap. 1-2; Hist. Mem., I, 158-160. Astrain, P. Antonio, "Historia de la Compañía de Jesús en la Asistencia de España," Torno VI, 493-494. (Madrid, 1920).
|4| See note on Benavides in Mora Contra Kino, May 28, 1698 (loc. cit.). Alegre, followed by Astrain, says that Kino left Mexico accompanied by Father Gaspar Barillas, but Kino mentions only Benavides. Alegre is certainly in error when he says that Kino returned to Sonora by way of the Tarahumara country, for Kino gives circumstantial data regarding his return through Guadalajara and Conicari (Alegre, III, 12; Astrain, VI, 493).
|5| Kino, "Favores Celestiales," Parte I, Lib. v, Cap. 1-2; Hist. Mem., I, 158-161. See the San Ignacio Mission Register, where Campos says the Indians did not return till 1698. Father Carranco was apparently at Nácori when Kino turned aside to visit him. |6| [333]
|6| See Kino, "Favores Celestiales," Parte I, Lib. v, Cap. 2; Hist. Mem., I, 161; Mora Contra Kino, May 28, 1698. The list and report were sent in by a friend named Estrada

|A| Editor Note:In 1686 at the village of Mototicachi, 100 miles northeast of Dolores, the Spanish murder all the 50 adult males and imprison all women and children of the village as slaves as they act on unjustified rumors that village leaders were part of a conspiracy to revolt against the Spanish.  Although outside his area of responsibility and ten years afterwars, Kino seeks justice and obtains an order from the Viceroy releasing the survivors from slavery and restoring them to their lands.

For the entire chapter "In The Capital Once More", click,

En la capital, una vez más
Herbert E. Bolton

En cuanto terminó su libro, Kino salió hacia México, a toda velocidad, para pedir más misioneros que fueran a la Pimería, y para informar sobre los abusos que habían entorpecido su labor. Su larga cabalgata a la capital y su ferviente alegato ante las autoridades son el tema del siguiente capítulo en esta historia. La decisión de hacer el viaje nada tuvo de precipitada. Poco después de que Kino y Manje divisaron California desde el cerro de El Nazareno, en febrero de 1694, Kino escribió al provincial pidiéndole permiso para ir a la capital a discutir la extensión de las misiones en las tierras exploradas en el continente, y la reanudación de los trabajos en California. El permiso fue concedido, pero en ese momento el padre Eusebio no pudo partir debido a las protestas de soldados, funcionarios, vecinos y misioneros que informaron a México que Kino hacía falta en la Pimería, donde lo que estaba haciendo era bastante más que sacar adelante "un presidio bien gobernado". La revuelta de los pimas, de abril a fines de agosto de 1695, más la enfermedad de Kino, demoraron aún más su partida.

Había ahora nuevas razones para su viaje. Corrieron rumores de que Solís había presentado a México informes negativos sobre los pimas. Los métodos mismos de Kino habían provocado quejas, y él quería responder ante las autoridades. Además, tenía asuntos con Salvatierra. Así pues, cuando las paces del 30 de agosto aliviaron la presión sobre los asuntos domésticos, Kino decidió valerse "de la licencia, casi orden, que yo tenía del padre provincial, y pasar a México, para el bien de tantas y tan necesitadas almas". Entre los preparativos para el viaje, escribió su libro sobre el martirio del padre Saeta. Para que se hiciera cargo de Dolores, durante la ausencia de Kino, se llamó a Campos, que estaba en San Ignacio.

"Y saliendo de estas misiones -escribe Kino- de Sonora en 16 de noviembre de 1695 años, en siete semanas, camino de quinientas leguas, llegué a México a 8 de enero de 1696 años." De regreso siguió la ruta que ocho años antes había recorrido hacia el norte la primera vez que llegó a la Pimería. Una cabalgata de más de dos [416] mil kilómetros no era una empresa pequeña. |12|  El padre Eusebio añade: "Fue Dios servido que yo pudiere decir misa todos los días des te viaje, y las tres de la Pascua de Navidad las dije en la nueva iglesia de Nuestra Señora de Loreto de Guadalajara. El mismo día que llegué a México llegó, por otro camino, el padre Juan María Salvatierra |13| y por la mañana se había abierto el nuevo gobierno, habiendo entrado por provincial el padre Juan de Palacios".

Kino llevó consigo a México unos muchachos indios, entre ellos el hijo del capitán general de la Pimería (el jefe indio de la misión de Dolores), para dar a conocer la gente por la que iba a interceder. Y "recibimos todo agasajo y dádivas del padre provincial nuevo y de su antecesor y de su excelencia y del conde de Galve, y aun de la señora virreina, que se holgaron de ver gente nueva que venía de partes y tierras tan remotas".

Hacía quince años que el padre Eusebio había llegado de Europa a la Ciudad de México, y nueve que había salido de allí a la Pimería. Tres lustros en la frontera sin duda habían dejado sus marcas en el rostro de Kino, en sus manos y en su concepto del mundo. Cuando llegó le bastaba con abordar la nave; ahora él llevaba el timón. Estaba hecho un empresario. Muchos de los viejos amigos de los primeros días habían partido; algunos a su morada definitiva; algunos quedaban, sin embargo, para darle la bienvenida y escuchar sus historias sobre la frontera. Sigüenza todavía estaba en la capital, y Kino nos dice que aún cobijaba el rencor de una ofensa imaginaria. No sabemos si volvieron a encontrarse. En el ínterin también don Carlos la había hecho de pionero, pues participó en la exploración de la bahía de Pensacola. Al igual que el padre Eusebio, Sigüenza fue nombrado cosmógrafo real y así encontró una aplicación práctica para sus conocimientos matemáticos.

En la capital, Kino dio muestras de su habitual energía y alcanzó algunos de sus propósitos. Tuvo largas sesiones con el nuevo provincial, el padre Palacios, y se entrevistó personalmente con el virrey y con miembros de la Real Audiencia. Arremetió vigorosamente contra las acusaciones falsas levantadas a los pimas y los  [417] graves insultos amontonados en su contra. Como nos dice Alegre, Kino demostró que en la reciente revuelta los culpables eran algunos capitanes de los presidios que eran demasiado prepotentes. Uno de ellos, naturalmente, era Solís. Kino "mostró, claramente, la iniquidad con que habían sido atropellados los habitadores de Mototicatzi", y logró una sentencia en favor suyo para que les fueran restituidas sus tierras. |14| Por último, cumplió con el propósito primordial de su viaje, pues el provincial le aseguró que tendría cinco nuevos misioneros para la Pimería. Si puede creerse en las habladurías, este acto amistoso no evitó que Palacios amonestara al padre Eusebio para que dejara de irritar a sus colegas. Mientras estaban en la capital, Kino y Salva tierra unieron sus esfuerzos para solicitar que se reanudaran los trabajos de las misiones en California, que llevaban ya diez años de abandono, pero en ese momento no tuvieron buen éxito. |15|

El 8 de febrero, Kino salió hacia la Pimería, acompañado durante algún trecho por el padre Antonio Benavides, quien se desvió hacia Durango con el propósito de prepararse para trabajar en la Pimería. |16|  En Conicari, el padre Eusebio se detuvo para celebrar la Semana Mayor. Desde allí envió por delante correo para Horacio Polici; entre otras cosas, el oficio que lo nombraba visitador para el siguiente trienio. Algo más lentamente, Kino siguió hacia Bazeraca, lejos, más allá de las montañas, cerca de la frontera de Chihuahua, para consultar con el nuevo visitador acerca de sus planes para el futuro. De allí en adelante, las relaciones entre esos dos ropas negras fueron muy estrechas, aunque no siempre plácidas.

En su camino de Bazeraca a Dolores, Kino escapó por poco de la muerte; incidente que comenta apenas de paso. Los jocomes andaban de nuevo alzados. [418] Por buena suerte, Kino pasó por sus tierras sin dificultades, pero su escolta no fue tan afortunada. "Yo había de venir de vuelta en compañía del capitán Cristóbal de León y de su hijo y de su gente, para mayor seguridad de mi persona, pero su divina Majestad me escapó de la gran desgracia en que cayó su merced, matándole los enemigos joco mes a él y a toda su gente en el camino, no muy lejos de Oputo, mientras yo fui a despedirme del padre rector Francisco Carranco y del padre Pedro del Mármol." Kino llegó a Dolores a mediados de mayo, tras una ausencia de medio año. El padre Campos regresó a San Ignacio. |17|

Con el padre Eusebio de regreso en su lugar, la frontera despertó de seis meses de letargo. Su retorno fue la ocasión para una gran asamblea de jefes pimas. Cuando iba camino a Bazeraca, mandó un mensajero a Dolores para pedir a los caciques indios que estaban allí que fueran por todos los rincones de la Pimería y le dijeran a la gente que el padre Eusebio venía camino a casa. Los jefes cumplieron prontamente con su cometido, visitaron las rancherías e invitaron a los gobernadores, alcaldes, capitanes, fiscales y caciques a que fueran a recibir a Kino y a escuchar los mensajes que traía de los grandes hombres de México. En junio, en el tiempo previsto, los jefes llegaron a Dolores de todos los alrededores. Hay que tomar en cuenta cuidadosamente lo que sucedió allí. Parece ser algo apenas rutinario, pero más tarde levantó ecos.

Kino reunió a los visitantes en el templo y se dirigió a ellos en pima. Les dijo lo contento que estaba de hallarse de vuelta y les dio los saludos que les enviaban el virrey, el nuevo provincial Juan de Palacios, y el nuevo visitador Horacio Polici. "y todos recibieron los muy paternales y muy católicos recaudas de los padres provinciales y de sus excelencias, con varias dádivas que entre tanto se les enviaban. Y los despaché consolados." Como una manera más sustancial de mostrar su gratitud, todos los jefes regresaron y ayudaron a Kino a levantar la cosecha de trigo, como solían hacerlo cada año. Durante varios días las hoces cantaron sobre las espigas doradas en los trigales al derredor de la iglesia. Mientras estaban en Dolores, algunos [419] de los visitantes fueron catequizados y bautizados; a otros se les negó el bautismo que pedían porque se consideró que no tenían instrucción suficiente. Bajo circunstancias de las que pronto hablaremos, éste fue un detalle que vale la pena mencionar. Como una memoria de esta reunión y como una prueba de la lealtad de los pimas, se envió a México un informe formal sobre la asamblea, que incluía una lista de todos los indígenas que estuvieron presentes en ella. |18| [420]

Herbert E. Bolton
Capitulo 90 
"En la capital, una vez más"
"Los confines de la cristiandad:
Una biografía de Eusebio Francisco Kino, S.J., isionero y explorador de Baja California y la Pimería  Alta"

Kino's Recommendations To Preserve Missions
Padre Saeta Biography
Eusebio Francisco Kino

The venerable Father Francisco Javier Saeta wanted to avoid as often as possible the entry of harsh or indiscreet soldiers into places where there is no firm government. It can and does happen that instead of calming and composing matters with the natives through the imposition of a firm, prudent, and Christian punishment, these soldiers excite, scandalize, horrify, and disrupt everything. Whole tribes have been lost by punishing some indiscreetly, whether justly or unjustly, and by inflicting severities upon them. The rest of the natives flee or hide out of sheer fear. There will certainly be uprisings and there will be worrisome, even sinister, rumors of rebellion and apostasy of whole nations. These are things which the most sensible and experienced captains and generals realize have happened and will happen.

I. If it should happen that, instead of punishing the guilty who are wont to hide, defend, and look out for their own endangered and misguided lives, some soldiers seize the first Indians they chance upon, who because of their innocence do not resist or even carry weapons, those poor souls will be made to pay for the offenses of the guilty. The soldiers merely employ this practice on the grounds that it is too much work and too risky to punish evildoers. There is no doubt that in such a case the presidio, instead of gaining, will lose; instead  |191| of settling affairs, it will leave everything more agitated and confused; and instead of remedying the matter, it will change it radically for the worse. And, as always, this will lead to newer, prolonged expenses for even more tedious tasks affecting the very same soldiers themselves.

II.  Another enormous obstacle would result if the soldiers, under the pretext of making peace, would trick the natives by inviting them to a council without weapons and under the sign of the Cross, and, then, cruelly slaughter them.

III.  It would also be a great blunder if, out of pure greed, these soldiers did not want to return from their expedition without taking some slaves, and not having been able to capture any enemy Indians, they should apprehend and carry off some innocent natives. ...

In this way the royal, Catholic forces unanimously will procure the just punishment of only the guilty and the protection of the good, so that not only will they not abandon the apostolate of these new conquests and conversions, which |193| it seems that some persons have feared (according to the reference Father Andrés Pérez de Ribas makes in his History),  but these Christian forces will receive the special renown from these new missions of being called apostolic presidios.

Eusebio Francisco Kino
Book Eight Chapter Two
Biography of Padre Saeta 1695

El Valle de México Visto desde El Cerro de Santa Isabel 1875
Painting Detail Showing Road From epeyac Hill to Mexico City
José María Velasco

"My Journey to Mexico And My Return To The Missions"
Eusebio Francisco Kino

Before Kino's Ride To Mexico City
Tubutama Uprising, Spanish Response & Kino's Peace

Kino Drawing of Saeta Death
Detail from Kino's Hand-drawn "Biography of Father Saeta" Map

Tubutama and Caborca - The Beginning
Saeta Biography Account
Eusebio Francisco Kino

These variations are founded either on the diversity of the individual events and motives, or from not having heard the facts or from living far away from the happenings. This was the situation of the informers who were, perhaps, badly informed — as when they reported that all the Pimeria (which has over ten thousand souls) was rising in rebellion and apostacy;  actually only seven or eight rancherías or locales were the delinquents and evildoers. The rebellion hardly involved more than two or three hundred malefactors and accomplices. If, at the start, there would not have been such mistaken and disgraceful leadership, many or all of the evils, which later befell San Ignacio and San José de Imuris, would have been avoided.

I will recount here the circumstances and causes which, before God and my conscience, I have witnessed at close range. Using these clear and very particular sources of facts, I desire in Our Lord to propose necessary and useful remedies for the future in matters which are so much for the service of the two Majesties and for the common good of so many souls. I am convinced that, if evils are never manifest, they  remain unknown; if they are unknown, they are irremediable; if they are irremediable, we are left always with the same burdens, misfortunes, set-backs, and miseries. We lose time and, perhaps, the glory of eternity. Such matters elicit very serious concern. ...

The fourth circumstance or cause that has contributed to these deaths, riots and outbreaks has been the constant opposition to the Pimas which in turn has been founded on sinister suspicions and false testimony as well as on rash judgments because of which many unjust killings have been perpetrated in various parts of the Pimeria. 

The Pimas have been viciously and unjustly blamed for the thefts of the livestock and the plunder of the frontiers. Such was the widespread opinion particularly until last June when General Juan Fernández de la Fuente and General Domingo Terán discovered the booty among the Jocomes and Janos; it is evident that the treatment of the natives in the Pimeria has been very unjust — leading as it has to mistreatment, torture and murder ....

We must not for any reason fail to try to remedy our own errors, faults, defects, harshness or severity, and our narrowness, displays of temper, and foolish resentments. Our common sense, prudence, and Christian charity has to solve and overcome these difficulties in dealing even with these most barbaric peoples, winning them for our most Catholic King and for our eternal God.  ...

From the beginning of March, 1695, and even some months before, there was in the pueblo of San Pedro del Tubutama some punishment or other involving in particular two Indian chiefs and pagan officials who had come to the pueblo from nearby rancherías. One of them died from the harsh whipping that he received. After disappointments and disorders broke out in several places at different times, the mistreatment which Antonio, the alien Opata, who was a servant at the parish, was inflicting on the natives was deeply felt. But the action he undertook on Monday of Holy Week, March 28, was especially harsh and disagreeable. On the farm of the mission he furiously beat the foreman of the vaqueros, who was still a pagan; he drove him to the ground, kicking him with spurs and lacerating him all over his body, particularly in the ribs and flanks; he left him half-dead. ....

The foreman, seeing himself in peril, told his Pima companions :  "Look, my brothers; this Opata is killing me, protect me! Defend me! ”At that the other pagans wounded Antonio with two arrows. But even then he managed to mount a good horse and fled to the pueblo where he entered the house of a friend who was still unbaptized (and who is today the governor of the pueblo). His opponents followed and, advancing on him, killed him and two other Opata Indians who were by chance in the pueblo.  ....

Many boasted that they would do the same or order the same to be done within two or three days at the other mission of La Concepción further away, in order to rid themselves of ill-treatment by aliens. ...

The news of the murders committed ...  soon arrived at the recently begun pueblo of San Antonio de Oquitoa, only seven leagues southwest along the same river as San Pedro del Tubutama (Rio Altar). Because of the disquiet, unpleasantness, hatred and grief which some of the inhabitants harbored for many months and days, particularly the alcalde of the pueblo, they determined to go down to the pueblo of La Concepción del Caborca to perform the same atrocities — killing and plundering even more than in San Pedro del Tubutama.

The disorders and dissatisfactions which the natives harbored were, primarily, that, seven years before, the Alcalde Bias del Castillo and the army had come in search of some horses and mules.  But not finding any, they killed eleven of their relatives and carried off four prisoners, etc. ....

On Good Friday at night they went down the three leagues along the trail from one pueblo to the other.  At sunrise on the morning of the following day, Holy Saturday, April 2, they arrived at the priest’s house. They appeared friendly and affable when they went in to see Father Francisco Javier Saeta. After his Reverence spoke a little with them, he dismissed them from the house. As they were leaving, the good Father, standing in the doorway, realized that they had come with evil intentions which they immediately executed. When he saw that these savage enemies were drawing their bows to kill him, he shouted for the Captain and the Governor of the pueblo. He fell to his knees with arms open in imitation of the crucified Christ to accept the blessed and innocent death that he received first with two arrows, and then many more, etc. ..

So far this is what we have learned with certainty about the innocent death of venerable Father Francisco Javier Saeta and his four servants, just as we have come to know about the three killings in the pueblo of San Pedro de Tubutama. Together with these reports there were rumors (although false ones) of what would come, namely that a large enemy force was building up to attack the rest of the neighboring missions. Notice was sent to the Lord Military Governor and the Alcalde Mayor of these provinces (at the Real de San Juan), Don Domingo Jironza Petris de Cruzat, so that he might rush to remedy such evils.

At that same time the hostile Jocomes and Janos held the districts of Guásavas and Oputo in great peril; in fact, they were on the verge of being lost. The enemy had taken a large herd of cattle, killed three soldiers and taken another, named Juan de Ochoa, prisoner. Afterwards in their own territory they tortured, mistreated and brutally killed this prisoner who underwent horrible torments. ...

Eusebio Francisco Kino
Excerpts from Book Three: "The Innocent And Glorious Death And Burial Of The Venerable Martyr, Father Francisco Javier Saeta"
Kino's Biography of Padre Saeta

For the entire 
"Kino's Biography of Padre Saeta" 
Including
Book Five: "Second And Third Expeditions Of The Presidios To The Western Pimería And The Treaties Of Peace" 
Click 
Kino Saeta Biography document (text)
Kino Saeta Biography document (pdf)

Rebellion In The Valley
Herbert E. Bolton

Campaign In Western Pimeria Alta and Chiricahuas Map 1695

La Matanza

While at Dolores Jironza agreed with Kino to request the Pimas not implicated in the uprising to bring the ringleaders to justice, as a basis for making peace. The loyal pueblos gladly entered into the arrangement, and proceeded to carry it out. .... By word of mouth and by writing, Almazán, now alcalde mayor of Sonora, assured Kino of his approval, and by Almazán's order and in his name, Kino promised peace and general pardon for all who might assist in delivering up the delinquents. This should be kept in mind as the story proceeds.

But secular counsels were divided. When Jironza returned to San Juan he encountered opposition. Some officials maintained that the rebellious Indians should be soundly chastised. Jironza was persuaded, and a second expedition was arranged. With a larger force than before -soldiers, citizens, Indian allies, supplies, and cavallada - the army marched over the mountains to San Ignacio. Antonio Solís was in command.
 
Under these circumstances the Indians were puzzled, and in doubt whether or not to believe the promises that had been made. When at the end of May the governor of Dolores went to summon the people of Tubutama and vicinity to come in peace and without weapons to meet the army, under promise that only the ringleaders would be punished, they replied that they were afraid of treachery. Even the loyal governor of Bosna hesitated. Hearing of the difficulty, Kino went in person to San Ignacio, and from there sent a message to the alcalde of El Tupo, telling him to summon the people to meet the army at La Ciénega, the marsh near his village. ....

This diplomacy had not been accomplished without the use of force. According to Manje, Solís went to Tubutama and Oquitoa, and killed several Indians in surprise attacks, with the result that others sued for peace, which was granted on condition that they should deliver the heads of the revolt ....

The army under Captain Solís arrived at El Tupo, and there on the 9th of June it met the assembled natives. Manje describes the scene. "On the third day fifty Indians came, and when they reached the camp of the soldiers at El Tupo, which was pitched at some springs in an open plain cleared of woods, they left their bows and arrows close to a little grove of mesquite, distant about four arquebus shots, and according to agreement went unarmed to the camp.

"The soldiers, mounted on horseback, now formed a circle, with dissimulation putting the Indians in the center. Then the four Indians who had promised peace" - the three governors and the alcalde - "pointed out those who had accompanied the ringleaders who had stirred them up for the rebellion and murder (for the ringleaders were prevented by their capital crime from appearing). Three Indians were bound. Seeing that they were proceeding to bind others who were pointed out, all became excited and began to bolt." Kino here puts in a touch which Manje omits. The governor of Dolores now played the part of assistant verdugo, or executioner. Grasping a chief offender by the hair of the head he said to Solis, "This is one of the murderers." Thereupon Solís with a cutlass struck off the victim's head.

Instead of a peace talk the scene now became a hell of carnage. Frightened, guilty and innocent alike started to break through the circle of horsemen. Obeying previous orders for such a contingency, in a flash soldiers and Tepoca allies shot down forty-eight terrified Indians, including eighteen charged as guilty and thirty regarded by Kino as innocent. Very appropriately the place where it occurred became known as La Matanza - The Slaughter. And no wonder Solís acquired a reputation for bloodthirstiness.

Among the killed were the new governor of El Tupo, and the captain of El Bosna, both of whom had done such fine service for the Spaniards - or had so betrayed their own people. Even bloody Solís was shocked. He was compadre of the captain of El Bosna, having been godfather of his son baptized that very day. .....

Reaping The Whirlwind
Herbert E. Bolton

After the slaughter of so many Pimas, innocent as well as guilty, Jironza assumed that the tribe were thoroughly frightened into submission, so he prepared to go east with his soldiery to join La Fuente and Terán in another one of those frequent campaigns against the "common enemy of the North, the Apaches, Jocomes, and Janos."  ....

The Pimas were cowed for the moment, but anger burned in their breasts. The backs of the soldiers were scarcely turned when they saw their chance for revenge. Not only the relatives of the slaughtered, but many former neutrals as well, joined in the resentment. In large bands they went to Tubutama and Caborca and burned the buildings of these missions, which thus far they had left standing. Then some three hundred warriors assembled preparatory to destroying Campos's missions at Imuris and San Ignacio. Among their weapons they had the very bows and arrows returned to them by Solís after the matanza at El Tupo.

The Spaniards still had friends among the Pimas. One of these was the chief of El Síboda, north of Imuris, now a station in a beautiful vale on the Southern Pacific Railroad. Though a heathen, he went down the valley to San Ignacio to notify Campos of the impending blow and to warn the neophytes of both Imuris and San Ignacio to withdraw. ....

Not only Dolores but also Remedios and Cocóspora, all three under the personal charge of Kino, escaped destruction in the general holocaust. And Manje firmly believed this escape due to the profound influence of Kino. "From the conspiracy and the burning, if not from the fear, only the pueblos of . . . Dolores were exempt. This I attribute to the virtue and the continuous and fervent prayers of Father Eusebio Kino, first missionary of that revolted nation, for, since he had been their spiritual father and had wiped their tears in their times of need, affliction, and trouble, defending them always, gratitude perhaps kept them from burning and destroying his mission and his spacious painted and adorned church." Kino himself modestly wrote a few years later, "We were all in great straits, but I sent such quieting messages as I could to all parts, and by Divine Grace the trouble went no further."

Armies Gather

Jironza was alarmed. Fearing now that the uprising would not be confined to the Pimas, but, would spread to other tribes, Christian as well as heathen, and embrace the whole province in the flames of rebellion, as had happened in New Mexico fifteen years previously, he hurriedly called for help. He sent messengers at breakneck speed to La Fuente and Terán to hurry west to help save Sonora. For him to meet these generals on the Apache border, as had been planned, would now be out of the question. Instead, they were urgently needed in Pima Land. ....

When Jironza sent his SOS, La Fuente and Terán were already on their way. They left Janos on June 15, with seventy-five soldiers and some sixty Concho and Opata allies. Crossing the wide Chihuahua plains and threading precipitous Guadalupe Pass, on June 25 they camped at the fine waters of San Bernardino. ...

La Fuente's impulse was to push forward at once. But to prevent a raid on Sonora behind their backs, he and Terán turned aside to break up an assembly of Apaches in the Chiricahua Mountains, made peace with them, recovered captives and stolen goods. The side trip was a brilliant success. Then they hurried on to join Jironza.  ....

Here at Cocóspora La Fuente, Terán, and Jironza planned a campaign to the country of the rebellious Pimas. "Good talks" were sent to the hostile villages, urging them to deliver up the ringleaders of the revolt, promising pardon if they complied, fire and sword if they refused. Through interpreters La Fuente harangued the allies, exhorting them to assemble their warriors. ..

A muster of the army was then held, each division separately. The Spanish warriors presented themselves on horseback. La Fuente had thirty-seven soldiers from Janos, Terán fifty-six from El Gallo, Higuera twenty-two from Sinaloa, and Jironza forty-eight soldiers and citizens of Sonora. There were more than a hundred native allies, armed with bow and arrow. ...

On July 20 Kino said early Mass, and the army started south, Campos going as chaplain. ... In the afternoon Kino and Jironza left the army and went to Dolores to forward supplies. ....

The rebels, through their spies, learned that the Spaniards were coming. Frightened, from Tubutama they sent messengers to meet the army, begging that the chaplain be sent ahead without the soldiers to talk things over, for with reason they were afraid of the troops. But the request was not granted. Instead Terán entered Tubutama by night, took the inhabitants by surprise and killed twenty-one Indians. Terrified now, the Tubutamas and their neighbors fled into the mountains, "so far away that for many days it was not possible to do a thing of consequence." The garrisons went up from Tubutama to Saric, and "completely laid waste their fields and provisions, punishing some accomplices." War is always savage.

For several days La Fuente despaired of getting in touch with the fugitives, then difficulties began to clear up. The General moved his camp up to the Estancia (Ranch) of Tubutama, still so-called, where there was pasturage for his horses and mules, and from there sent friendly talks to the frightened refugees. One of his messengers, a man whom he had captured and reassured, was particularly successful. On the night of August 6 he brought into camp the chief of Tucubavia and three other Pimas. All came "without weapons and with crosses, apparently very repentant for what they had done." All night long there were tlatoles between the chief and La Fuente. The General was encouraged. "All will be arranged very satisfactorily, and more quickly than we expected," he wrote to Kino next day.

Things did, indeed, move rapidly now. A few days later there were more than fifty Indians in camp. Confidence was being restored. The General appointed new Indian officials in the once rebellious towns, the efficient peace messenger being made governor of Tubutama. The title of captain-general of the Pimas was conferred on the chief of Tucubavia, the large town upstream. The repentant people of the district laid the principal blame for the trouble on the mador and caporal of Tubutama, and promised to bring them or their heads to the Spaniards. La Fuente now regarded peace "as good as made," said he would "give his head" for any misdeed which henceforward the Pimas might commit, and urged that the missionaries return to their former posts.

Caborca and the villages near El Tupo, scene of the horrifying Matanza, were the slowest to regain confidence, and to these districts La Fuente now turned his attention. In a letter written on August 17 he reviewed what he had done and begged Father Eusebio's assistance. The garrison was now returning to El Tupo, while he, next day, with five principal Indians, was starting down the river to Caborca to pacify the Pimas there. Father Eusebio could help.

Saeta's death and the aftermath told on Kino's rugged constitution. Muñoz wrote on May 11, "Your Reverence's health has caused me a great deal of worry, for they have reported to me that they had seen you looking very ill. But I am inclined to think that in the present case the heart and spirit of your Reverence will be suffering even more, on account of the uprising of this new Christendom." This illness may explain why Kino did not go to the scene of the revolt with the army. Two months later he was still under the weather. He tells us that he received a letter on July 25, at the time when he was suffering from fever. But now, in August he responded to La Fuente's appeal.

Dove Of Peace

Once more Kino became peacemaker in the districts of El Tupo and Caborca. This time he was more fortunate than before. In the work he was greatly assisted by two influential natives. These were the captain of Dolores, and the new governor of El Bosna, successor of the unfortunate Pima who had met death in the Matanza.

Kino writes of the diplomatic mission which he now undertook. It meant another long jaunt over mountains and deserts at a time when he was far from well. "Because by several letters it had been intimated that I should go if I could to see the army, and likewise the children, for they also greatly desired it, on the 21st of August I went to El Tupo and to the near-by Ciénega, where the camp was stationed. I sent ahead the captain of this pueblo of . . . Dolores and of these conversions. And because of his going and mine there came to see me and the Real de la Ciénega [that is, the army], . . . a great number of natives of six or seven principal rancherías, El Tupo, El Bosna, El Araupo, Santa Marta, Tucucot, Arituba, Doagsoma, etc., all of whom had withdrawn through fear. The governor of El Bosna also came to see me, for without his coming they considered that the peace treaties would be of little satisfaction." This chief was an important man.

Long talks were held. While Kino was in the midst of these conferences a sergeant came from La Fuente ordering the army at La Ciénega to escort the native delegates to Caborca for a conference. Kino argued that the military escort of the natives was unnecessary, would merely increase their fear, and that he himself would conduct them. He adds, "And I having offered to take them down in peace, which was the only thing the generals were aiming at, the garrison remained [at La Ciénega] and I went down with the sergeant [and the Indians] to the camp of La Concepcion." There they met La Fuente and Terán at the head of their eighty soldiers.

Kino now took charge of negotiations. When he arrived at Caborca two Indians had already been killed, and two women and three little girls had been captured. Kino had one of the women released and sent her out to summon her people to see their old friend, the Boat Man. The name was still magic. Next day the woman came bringing seven or eight Indians. Two days later she and these others brought in several more "bearing the crosses of peace." They came from seven different rancherías, "that is, from La Concepción del Cabotca, San Diego del Uquitoa, El Actun, El Moicaqui, etc." For Kino and many of the visitors it was a renewal of old friendships. ....
 
Things being thus satisfactorily arranged at Caborca, La Fuente, next day rejoined the main camp at La Ciénega. There on August 30, Feast of Santa Rosa, patroness of the Indies, the final peace agreements were celebrated. We have Kino's graphic account of the picturesque conference.

For several days the soldiery and a large delegation of Indian ambassadors had been waiting. There were the captain general of Dolores, the governors of El Bosna, El Tupo, and El Doagsoma, "and many other natives of all the villages of these environs." In the camp now were Generals La Fuente and Terán, Fathers Kino and Campos, and all the soldiery and the native allies comprising the army of pacification.

In the morning Father Kino said Mass in the village of El Tupo, and Father Campos at the military camp. Long speeches followed. The Indians deplored the death of Father Saeta and the seven Christian Indians killed during the first uprising; they condemned the war of revenge in which the missions of San Ignacio and Imuris had been destroyed; they grieved for the deaths of some eighty of their kinsmen who in consequence of these outrages had met death during the Matanza and in the subsequent campaigns; they protested that all these tragedies had resulted from the homicides committed by the handful of recalcitrants at Tubutama and Oquitoa.

At the end of all this oratory - we learn little of what the Spaniards said, but we can guess -general and special peace agreements were made. The chiefs pledged themselves "to seek out and deliver alive the persons, or if dead, the heads of the principal malefactors who were still at large ... , namely the mador and the caporal of San Pedro del Tubutama." They went further and at their own suggestion pledged themselves to "add the heads of the alcalde of San Ambrosio, and others whom they knew to have aided him and co­operated in the murder of Father Saeta." Lastly - and here was Kino's special triumph - the missions would be restored. The chiefs declared that they were very desirous of having the padres return to them. They would receive them with all love and affection; and immediately they would rebuild the churches and houses which had been destroyed. ....

As soon as the treaties were made at El Tupo, the three companies went to Cocóspora and thence on a war against the Apaches, Janos, and Jocomes - the campaign which had been interrupted in July by the Pima raid.

Herbert E. Bolton
"Rebellion In The Valley"
"Rim of Christendom:
A Biography of Eusebio Francisco Kino: Pacific Coast Pioneer" 

Excerpts from Rebellion in the Valley
Chapter 84 - La Matanza
Chapter 85 - Reaping The Whirlwind
Chapter 86 - Armies Gather
Chapter 87 - Dove Of Peace

For entire chapters
Click Rebellion in the Valley document (text)

Kino's Decisive Years
Edward H. Spicer

|124| ...
They welcomed the Kino party in the now standard manner, with crosses and arches, and some asked for baptism. Kino preached at length. A year later he was able, at last, to provide a missionary for Caborca - Father Saeta. 

Two other missionaries had already been placed in 1693 - Augustín Campos at San Ignacio in the Magdalena Valley west of Dolores and Daniel Januske at Tubutama west of San Ignacio. Now with Saeta at Caborca there were four missionaries in the field. Most of what is modern Sonora had been brought under the mission system. Cattle herds and fields and orchards were flourishing at Dolores, Cocóspera, San Ignacio, and Tubutama.

Two hundred Pima soldiers had joined with Opatas in the defense of Cuchuta a few miles south of the presidio of Fronteras. Here in 1694 a force of Jocomes-Apaches had attacked this Opata mission pueblo, but the combined Pima-Opata force had beaten them and driven them off. It appeared that the new work among the Pimas had justified Kino's hopes. They were steadily accepting the missions, converts were being made by the hundreds, if not the thousands, and they were allying themselves with the Spaniards against the increasing threat of raids from the northeast.

In 1695, however, the complex forces which Spanish conquest had released on the northern frontier were swirling to a focus. Fifteen years before in New Mexico the Pueblo Rebellion had swept the Spaniards southward to El Paso. The pressure of conquest from the south had upset the balance of Indian relations in New Mexico, Chihuahua, and Arizona. Northeastern Sonora was increasingly beginning to feel the consequences of these reactions to conquest. The effects of the dislocations in 1695 reached as far west as Caborca, almost on the Gulf Coast, and set up a reaction which for a time changed the peaceful course of events in Pimería Alta.

The ranches which had been set up by Spanish settlers in northern Sonora were suffering from raids by Indians in which they lost many horses and cattle; occasionally there were killings. At this time the Spaniards did not know enough about the tribes of the area to be sure who was responsible. Pimas had been implicated, as we have seen, earlier, and the idea persisted in Bacanuche and San Juan and the other Spanish border towns that the Pimas were as dangerous as the Jocomes, Janos, and Apaches of the east. In 1694 a lieutenant of the Fronteras force had unjustly and summarily killed three Sobaipuri men accused of horse stealing on the San Pedro River. The same lieutenant in that same year had forcibly quieted some Pima leaders at Tubutama who were said to be haranguing others against the Spaniards. Also at Tubutama, following usual custom, the Jesuit missionary Januske had employed already-Christianized Indians to oversee the operations of the mission herds and lands. In this case the overseer and his assistants were Opatas, who had long been accustomed to look down on Pimas as inferior savages. In 1695 feelings against Opatas came to a head; suddenly the peaceful Pimas of Tubutama killed the Opata overseer and two assistants.

This action released hostile feelings, of which the missionaries were apparently quite unaware. Undoubtedly the plan included the killing of Father Januske, |125| but he escaped along with Father Campos from San Ignacio. The Tubutama Pimas who killed the Opata overseer seem to have been a faction, rather than a representative group of the mission pueblo. They made their way southwestward, enlisting confederates from other rancherías, including Oquitoa north of Caborca. They destroyed Altar and, entering Caborca, murdered Saeta, the young missionary who had barely been installed in his new post. They were not aided by the Pimas of Caborca, who, however, fled from the mission fearing reprisals by the Spaniards.

Spanish reprisal was prompt. General Jironza with Spanish soldiers and a few Seris marched immediately into the Pima country, but he and his lieutenants found few Pimas against whom to take action. They killed a few women and boys here and there, but there was no Pima force to meet them. They destroyed fields at Caborca, as a lesson to the Indians, and then decided that since there was no general uprising to combat by arms it would be best to work out a peaceful settlement.

In this Kino took the lead. It was arranged, largely through his efforts, that the Pima leaders who had not taken part in the killings would bring together their people, including the leaders of the rebellious group" with the Spaniards at El Tupo. There they would point out the rebel leaders, and the Spaniards could take them and do as they pleased with them. The meeting was arranged and the headman of El Tupo who had been prominent in the negotiations along with other peaceful headmen proceeded to point out the men responsible for the killing of the Opata overseer, the other Christian Indians, and Father Saeta. As soon as the first guilty man was pointed out, one of the Spanish officers in the midst of the assembly beheaded him with his sword. This produced consternation among the Pimas and many began to run away. The Spanish and Seri soldiers went wild and killed nearly fifty Pimas in a matter of minutes, including the peaceful headman of El Tupo and at least four or five others associated with him in the arrangements for the assembly. Most of those killed, Jironza and Kino both agreed, were innocent persons anxious to work out a settlement, and who had been promised immunity by Kino.

The result was the outbreak of real war. After the breakup of the peace assembly, the small force of Spaniards and Tepoca Seris went back southeast on ether matters. No sooner were they out of the way than the Pima forces organized and destroyed Tubutama and Caborca and headed east. They moved on Imuris and San Ignacio and destroyed the churches there. By the time Jironza, who was at Dolores, heard of the outbreak, it was reported that the Pimas were threatening Cocóspera, Remedios, and Dolores. Attacks on these places, however, never materialized.

The Spanish forces, augmented by troops from Fronteras, were mobilized to the number of some three hundred, which included many Pimas. They moved through the Pima country killing men and women here and there and destroying crops. But they did not find any force of Pimas ready to give battle. It was the same story as before. Once the attacks-of revenge on San Ignacio and Imuris were accomplished the Pimas dispersed and the Spanish soldiers found no one to fight. Again the situation called for negotiations rather than settlement |126| through battle. Again Kino took the lead in finding peaceful headmen - at Caborca, at Tucubavia, at El Tupo - who would negotiate.

There was no lack of headmen so inclined. Already some had made overtures to the Spanish military leaders. Now with Kino again promising immunity for those who had no part in the first uprising at Tubutama, a meeting of headmen was arranged again at El Tupo (which had come to be called The Slaughter). The Pimas had become convinced, if they were not before, that they could not successfully oppose Spanish military power. They agreed to turn over the Tubutamans who had engineered the killing of the Opatas, and the Spanish soldiers returned to their campaign against the Apaches.

The newly won territory was nearly devastated, only Dolores, Remedios, and Cocóspera having remained untouched, either at the hands of the Pimas or the Spanish soldiers. Spanish military might had been thoroughly demonstrated. Piman leaders had divided themselves into pro - and anti-Spanish. The Spaniards had demonstrated their inability to work together - soldier and missionary - and keep promises made. Force and distrust had been introduced into the situation and the Pimas, like the Tarahumaras before them, were divided among themselves. Yet, somehow the reputation of Father Kino as an honest man with great power for good survived among the Pimas. Jironza also was convinced that Kino, and Kino alone, was the best insurance against more Indian uprisings. He refused to allow Kino to leave on an expedition to Lower California.

While the mission program in the devastated area was being redeveloped Kino undertook, at the urging of his superiors, to carry his work to the northeast among the Sobaipuris. He had already made the acquaintance of Coro, a headman of the Sobaipuris of the upper San Pedro River rancherías, and had visited Quiburi, Coro's headquarters, on the San Pedro and Bac on the Santa Cruz where there was one of the densest settlements of Indians in the Pieria, numbering in the neighborhood of one thousand.

Now in 1696, Kino setout to bring these groups into the mission system. His methods may be noted. He drove cattle up to Bac and distributed them among the Indians of the Santa Cruz settlements, these cattle to be nuclei for mission herds which would furnish food to mission residents and also provide for Kino on his expeditions of exploration, Thus the mission cattle ranches, under Kino's management, preceded the missions themselves. Secondly Kino stopped briefly, set up altars in the open or under shades built by the Indians, said Mass, and then preached at great length on many aspects of Christian living both theoretical and practical. He thus brought spiritual as well as material gifts. Thirdly, and this was most characteristic of Kino, he organized a big delegation of Sobaipuri headmen and headmen from the upper Santa Cruz Valley to go to the Jesuit rector of the district at Bacerac and ask for missionaries. He made arrangements with the headmen on his visit to Bac in 1696. Then in 1697 they all assembled at Kino's mission of Dolores, feasted and talked, and then marched in a colorful pilgrimage through the northern Opata country from Dolores to Bacerac, a matter of one hundred miles. Impressed by the delegation, the father rector received them very favorably and promised to do what he could in response to their urgent demands |127| for missionaries in their rancherías.

Edward H. Spicer
Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States
on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533 - 1960
Exceprts from Chapter 5 - Upper Pimas
Kino's Decisive Years 1695 -1697

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Kino's Decisive Years 1695 -1697 document (text)
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Captain Juan Mateo Manje

Account of Captain Juan Mateo Manje
"Luz De Tierra Incógnita"

Chapter III
[Excerpt of Manje's Third Trip with Kino - Gulf of California Coast]

We expect to build a flourishing and magnificent Christianity in this Pima nation through preaching and by making small gifts. For this purpose there are available fertile valleys, lands adapted to agriculture, with rivers and creeks. It is populated by thousands of souls who have never had the privilege of seeing the light of the Holy Gospel. His Excellency, Señor Viceroy and Reverend Father Provincial of Mexico, expects to accomplish this by means of charity and priests, so as to extend the royal domain of His Majesty as well as the law of Jesus Christ. It is his duty to do so by virtue of His Majesty and as lord of the Western Indies. His Majesty transferred these pious duties to his Excellency the Viceroy; and, of any omission on the part of his royal ministers, Almighty God will demand a strict accounting on the Day of Judgment.

One time, three Indians of the Ópata nation, from the Christian towns of Sonora, entered into service |44| in the town of San Pedro del Tubutama. One of them was named Antonio, a foreman engaged by Juan Nicolás Castrioto, friend of Father Daniel Janusque, his minister, to instruct the Pima Indians on how to take care of cows. These Indians were severely punished. One of them, one time, was herding cows and Antonio beat him with his spurs on his side and back, wounding him so badly that he became deathly sick. ...  |45|

The soldiers arrived in command of Lieutenant Antonio Solís, bringing with them a native of the Pima tribe who they had captured on the way. He was manacled with chains on his feet, since he was supposed to be guilty of aiding and abetting the common enemies, the Apaches, in carrying on their thieving raids in Sonora. This prisoner was destined to be their interpreter at Tubutama. I met them on the road (this happened before I went on the trip referred to in this narrative). I tried to reason with the lieutenant and advised him to go gently with the new people, but he defied me. We had several quarrels on the subject. Imbued with the spirit of military wantonness and aided by the soldiers, he paid no attention to my protests, but meted out punishments right and left. He abused the prisoner on his return trip to the "presidio," where I understand he was taking him. Several Pima families came to the Father Visitor to put a stop to this treatment or to secure the removal of the Ópata Indians without result. It is feared that these abuses will lead to some form of rebellion in this unhappy nation. ....

Lieutenant Antonio Solís (one month previous to his visit to Tubutama) came north searching, or seeking, the Sobaipuris of the Terrenate River. Following the mountain range of El Comedio to the west, he passed through the Pimas of the Río San Xavier del Bac, and in the entire trip he could not find a trace or any sign of the stolen horses. They arrived in a crowd at one of the settlements with such an uproar that the Indians fled, frightened by the commotion.

The troops upon seeing a piece of meat which they thought was horse meat, from the stolen horses, killed three Indians after overtaking them and flogged two Indians who were captured alive. After doing all this, they found out it was only deer meat which the Indians had killed. The report of the soldiers did not agree in any particulars, although they wished to make it appear that the lieutenant was trying to terrify the Indians in order to earn their respect, and that this was why he killed them.  ... |47|  .....

In between parts of this campaign, but in the same month and year, Reverend Father Francisco Eusebio Kino set out to discover the river and "Casas Grandes." When I was told by the Pimas about the "Casas Grandes," his Reverence did not give much credit to the story for some time, at least until some Indians from the town of San Xavier del Bac came to see him at Dolores and certified to the fact of their existence. They went as guides on the trip of discovery. .... |50|

Chapter IV
[Tubutama Uprising and Chiricahua Campaign]
 
"This narrative tells the following: Arrival of Reverend Father Francisco Xavier Saeta, Jesuit, at the missions of Pimería Alta toward the end of 1694; his death; his reward for preaching the Gospel, which took place April 2, 1695 at the mission of Concepción del Caborca; the expedition to recover his body in order to bury him; the punishment inflicted upon the Pima Soba tribe by the soldiers throughout the year; the suit of the Indians for peace; other battles the troops engaged in against other nations; and Father Kino's trip to Mexico in 1696."

The year 1695, dawned, notable because of the Sacred Company of Jesus which furnished a martyr, a son of God, sacrificed in a holocaust in the course of duty while preaching the Holy Gospel to the Soba nation and High "Pimería." Woe came to these tribes because of several battles and uprisings, and the anxiety visited upon them because of the death of this priest and minister. His death was perpetrated by a few Indians, but all of the tribes suffered for what the chiefs of the rebellion deserved.  ...

When the news of these deaths and of the rebellion reached the Province of Sonora, General Don Domingo Jirónza immediately got the troops under his command ready troops which had recently returned from a campaign. He also called upon the neighboring citizenry for volunteers in his capacity of governor "alcalde" of the province. I set out with the general, and the rest of his command, and the Reverend Fathers Fernando Baierca and Agustín joined us as field chaplains and |54| missionaries of the nation. They went to recover the mementoes and relics of the martyred, mutilated body, and also any small pieces of jewelry which might have been left in the church.

After traveling a distance of 26 leagues to the town of Tubutama, we found it completely destroyed, deserted and abandoned with no sign of life. There were only the bodies of three Ópata Indian servants, who were killed at the beginning of the uprising. We encountered no trace of the Indians in all of the 26 leagues to Concepción del Caborca, where the venerable priest was killed. All the chiefs of the rebellion, as well as all the rest of the tribe, who took no active part but who had knowledge of the outrage, had fled, frightened, abandoning their homes and cultivated fields and seeking refuge among the hills and mountains. ....

We cut all this wheat, allowing 300 horses we had to pasture there. We did the same with all the other fields of corn and wheat which we encountered in this nation, so that, because of hunger, the people who had no guilty part in the death of the priest and |59| in the rebellion would be more inclined to deliver the guilty ring leaders. ....

We also learned that the relatives of the Indians, who the previous year had been punished and mistreated at Tubutama, had done it in revenge, luring other heathen Indians to their side. They had been the chief leaders of the rebellion. From this, we came to the conclusion that a few Indians from a different tribe should not be allowed to dominate another tribe as large as the Pimería.  ...

After the funeral ceremony and the burial were concluded, it was decided not to allow the incident to pass without setting an example and allotting a fitting punishment for such hateful wickedness. It was to the honor of God to avenge such an outrage to His Sacred Law, namely; the death of his prototype and vicar and the profaning of the images, ornaments and sacred vases.

The general of the camp ordered that his lieutenant, Antonio Solís, accompanied by the greater part of the troops, should return to the towns of San Pedro del Tubutama and Uquitoa, where it was known the chief ring leaders of the rebellion were, in order to punish them. The general, with a few soldiers, remained at the missions of Dolores and San Ignacio, where there had been no revolt of any kind, and all the Indians were quiet and peaceful. He ordered the soldiers to remain on guard at this frontier in case something should happen. |61|

Lieutenant Solís killed several in an engagement he had. Others, the less guilty of the culprits, came and sued for peace, which was granted under the condition that they should surrender their leaders who, through their malevolence, had urged the others to accompany them in the atrocious murder.

They were to bring them into camp unarmed. They offered to bring them in without letting them know of their intentions by infiltrating among the Indians who had had no part in the uprising. Accordingly, they left for the mountains.

On the 3rd day, 50 Indians arrived. Upon seeing in del Tupo the camp of the troops, resting near some springs of water near a level plain and a hill clear of brush, they left their bows and arrows stacked against a small clump of mesquite, at about a distance of four shots of an "arcabuz." Then, in accordance with the agreement, they came unarmed to the camp where the soldiers, mounted on horseback, formed a ring surrounding the Indians.

The four Indians who had sued for peace indicated the ones who had accompanied the ring leaders and who had started the rebellion and murder (the leaders did not come because of the enormity of their crime). Three of them were tied up and they were proceeding in that manner with the others indicated, when all the Indians began to show fight and to move in various directions. The soldiers mounted on horseback were unable to keep them within the circle. The Indians started to run to grab their weapons. With no indication of who started the fight, all the Indians were killed. The soldiers said |62| that the lieutenant had given them strict orders and told them he would decapitate anybody who allowed the Indians to escape.

With this punishment and the deaths of the previously killed Indians, the military camp believed that the nation would be terrified; and they set out on a campaign against the common enemies of the north, the Apaches, Jocomes and Janos tribes, who had harried the missions and mines of the Province of Sonora by their thieving raids. Leaving Corporal Juan Bautista de Escalante with three soldiers as a guard and escort to Father Agustín de Campos in his mission of San Ignacio, and leaving me at the Dolores Mission with three armed neighbors, the remainder of the troops went into camp at the town of Cocospera to start their campaign from that point.

The Indian tribes, aroused by the deaths of their comrades, must have had spies watching our movements. Even those who had remained neutral heretofore declared war. They divided themselves into large groups and set out to burn the houses of the new missions of Caborca and Tubutama, and they sent about 300 Indian warriors to San Ignacio. ....

The general of the camp, foreseeing that the rebellion would not be confined to the Pima nation but that it might spread to all the other Christian tribes and heathen neighbors, dispatched from the town of Cucurpe a letter-carrier advising Señor Governor of the kingdom, Don Gabriel del Castillo, of what had happened and asking for help. The soldiers in his charge stopped and made fresh attacks against the conspirators.

Generals Don Juan Fernández de la Fuente and Don Domingo Therán de los Rios arrived with troops under their command and entered the rebellious nation of the "Pimería." The three companies together destroyed all the fields and supplies, thus punishing some of the accomplices. The latter, seeing so many soldiers and suffering hunger and thirst and being solicitous for their families, sued for peace which, was granted on condition that they deliver the principal chiefs of the rebellion who were still at large.

The Reverend Fathers intervened in behalf of the Indians, praying to Heaven that they would return like the Prodigal Son to the friendship of God and His Law. They were all pardoned. Under this assurance, all came out of their hiding in crowds, hunger forcing them back to their lands to serve, and thus to eat, with the Spaniards and the priests. |66| ....

Only the town of the mission of Nuestra Señora de los Dolores escaped (if not from the fear) from the depredation and conspiracy. This was attributed to the virtue and fervent prayers of Father Eusebio Kino, the first missionary of the rebellious nation, and because of the fact that Father Kino had. been the spiritual father and was always ready to defend and help in their troubles and afflictions. Perhaps because of these things they had pity and did not burn and destroy his mission and church, which was |67| so well painted and adorned.

During November of the same year, all was in peace, Reverend Father Eusebio Kino left his mission on a trip to Mexico leaving in his place, during his short absence, Father Agustín de Campos. Father Kino negotiated with the Reverend Provincial Father to send new missionary priests to preach the Holy Gospel to the Pima nation. ...

Chapter V
[Manje's Fourth Trip with Kino - San Pedro River to Casa Grande]

"This is the narrative of the trip I made with Reverend Father Francisco Eusebio Kino and 22 soldiers to discover two rivers, lands, and the nation of the Pimas Sobaipuris of the north: It lasted from November 2 until December 2, 1697. We also arrived at Casas Grandes and the Jila River .. "

Traces, or roots, of what is imprinted on the mind, although being informed by contradictory evidences of facts, always remain to judge with rash judgment that which was first imprinted.
Since Nicolás de la Higuera destroyed the settlements of Mototicachi of the Pima, killing all the people with daggers ...  the Spaniards, seeing some Indians on horseback, jumped to the conclusion that they were stealing them. They believed that the settlements of the north must have had "corrals" full of |74| horses. Captain Solís with a squad of soldiers went north but did not find any, discovering instead that only the Indians at the frontiers had horses without marks or signs of ownership.

Though for the time, the Spaniards were appeased by the discovery of their error, and still more so because of the attack which the Pimas made upon their enemies, the Apaches and their allies, when they killed 60 and captured 70 and took away from them the stolen horses. Yet, in a little while the Spaniards returned to their former prejudice against the Pimería.

To erase this erroneous impression towards the Indians which delayed the coming of the priests, I begged my uncle, the General, very cautiously, to give me a squad of soldiers so that in company with Father Kino I could start this trip of discovery. He accepted so that the soldiers would be aware of their misunderstanding. On November 2, 1697, after the Mass of the Dead at the mission of Nuestra Señora de los Dolores, Father Kino and I setout ...... |75|

Account of Captain Juan Mateo Manje
from "Luz De Tierra Incógnita
Unknown Arizona and Sonora 1693-1721
from the Francisco Fernández Del Castillo Version of Luz De Tierra Incógnita"
Captain Juan Mateo Manje - Author
Harry J. Karns - Translator

Chapter III - excerpts
[Manje's Third Trip with Kino - Gulf of California Coast]
Chapter IV - entire chapter
[Tubutama Uprising and Chiricahua Campaign]
Chapter V - excerpts
[Manje's Fourth Trip with Kino - San Pedro River to Casa Grande]

To download Manje chapters, click
Manje Uprising Account document (text)

The Campaign In Western Pimeria Alta
The Presidio and Militia on the Northern Frontier of New Spain

Kino Brings Peace
Kino in "Testtimonio de Auttos de Guerra"
Charles J. Polzer

Introduction
A far more detailed account of the campaign to pacify the Pimas will be found in 202 folio pages in the "Autos de Guerra" of the Archives of Parral, Chihuahua, Mexico. These pages are the official report of the joint military campaigns of 1695 which were undertaken by General Domingo Téran de 1os Ríos of the Presidio of Gallo, General Domingo Jironza Petris de Cruzat commanding the forces of the Province of Sonora, and General (Capt.) Juan Fernández de la Fuente of the Presidio of Janos.
 
These sources have previously been consulted by Herbert Eugene Bolton, who condensed them into several pages of his definitive life of Padre Kino, the "Rim of Christendom." From a study of Bolton's remarks it seems apparent that he was following the account of Padre Kino. There are several minor discrepancies between Kino's account of the happenings and the account of the generals, but the major value of the present epilogue is to show the correlation of the accounts.
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The Campaign
All of the letters told of the disastrous massacre at the "Ciénega of El Tupo" in Pimería Alta. The peace which had been arranged with difficulty by the missionaries of the Pimería was shattered by the killing of forty-nine Indians who had attended the council of peace on June 9 at Tupo. The relatives of the murdered Indians rose in vengeance and burned the towns of San José de Imuris, San Ignacio de Cabórica, and Magdalena. Luckily Padre Agustin de Campos, who was at San Ignacio with a guard of six soldiers, was able to escape before the Indians attacked the pueblo.
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At six o'clock on the morning of the 20th July, the entire camp was roused. Padre Eusebio Francisco Kino offered Mass at the pueblo's church and the massive columns rode out of Cocóspera. ....

The storm passed in a couple of hours, and Padre Kino and General Jironza rode off to Mission Dolores.
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To add to Fuente's strategic problems, a Pima Indian arrived from Dolores with a letter from Padre Kino. The unsettling news was that the enemy had raided close to Cucurpe; some horses and mares were stolen and five mules had been shot with arrows.
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The campaign for the pacification of the Pimas had turned into a campaign for the pacification of the Spaniards. One of the largest military expeditions ever mounted in the Province of Sonora, or along the whole frontier for that matter, was put out of action by the, inaction of the Indians. Nothing tried the Spanish temperament like tedium. Instead of trumpet calls and thundering, charges against Indian fortifications, the cavalry experienced only a few patrols under mesquite trees and through cholla forests. The war of pacification had in fact become so pastoral that the livestock of the army devoured, all the feed available at the farm of Tubutama.
 
More waiting was the order of the day for August 12. At three in the afternoon the messenger who had gone to call the people of Toozona down from the sierra reported that no one was to be found.

The few Indian women had left for the pueblo of Dolores to see Padre Kino. He had indicated that he wanted to see them by sending some "justicias" as messengers from his mission. The generals interrogated the Toozona messenger for some time and at five o'clock the men sent to Quisora, Moicaqui, and Santa Marta came back with the same tale. No one was around, except the governor of Moicaqui who was very sick in the Sierra de Unaco. This was the kind of delay that displeased the commanders of his Majesty's army.
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The Governor of Tucubavia was considered by the Spanish officers to be the spokesman for the greater majority of the Pimas present. Consequently he was reminded that the peoples of Bosane, Tupo, and Toozona were still not represented. There was no real certainty that they had gone to see Padre Kino as some had declared, so there would be need for the military campaign to continue until a complete peace had been effected. 

The governor offered his aid in guiding the army to the land of the Sobas so these culprits could be apprehended. Although there may have been reason to worry about the sincerity of some, the Governor of Tucubavia stood tall as a man of honor and reliability. Much of the Spanish confidence in the Pima nation returned because of his tireless work to make the peace acceptable. ... 

The entire campaign had taken on a new complexion. There was no longer any question of a rebellion across the whole Pima frontier. Whatever trouble lay ahead was now isolated in the western regions of the Pimería though probably somewhat complicated by the escape of the two Sobas who had benefitted from the confusion the day the Pimas poured into the camp to surrender. Generals Fuente and Terán now revised their strategy dropping any excursion to' the northern mountains, which seems to indicate that they half-believed many Pimas had gone to Dolores to surrender to Padre Kino (and coincidentally General Jironza who was remaining there). A rapid sweep of the west was in order ...

Sergeant Diego López Sanbrano was placed in charge of the supply column which was being ordered back to Ciénega del Tupo together with the Indian allies. From this position the fighting column could be easily reinforced and resupplied if need arose. ...
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Very heartening news arrived at two o'clock. A Pima came into camp with a letter from Padre Kino at Dolores. It had been dated August 13. One paragraph of the letter mentioned that several Indians from the pueblos of Toozona and Araupo had been at Dolores already for two days. They were staying there very peacefully and Kino had sent them on to Cucurpe to arrange a formal peace with General Jironza who was using that pueblo as a communications center. Kino's letter was straightforward and it made possible another change in Fuente's strategic planning. The Pima nation throughout the eastern area of the Pimería could now be considered as secure. ..... 
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And General Fuente sat at his portable desk writing letters to Jironza and Kino. He admitted to Padre Kino how pleased he was with the outcome of the peace negotiations ... 

The supply sergeant reported that there were enough provisions for six more days. Each of the soldiers horses, and many more mounts would be necessary if this campaign were to be concluded. In fact, the entire force would be needed if the guilty were to be punished. Scattered as the Indians were, it would take many men several days and perhaps weeks to capture or kill them all.

For some reason Generals Fuente and Terán could not grasp the fact that they were trying to use an elephant to crush a fly. Sergeant Cristóbal de Vargas was ordered to take three soldiers back to the Ciénega del Tupo and to order the entire force to join the generals at the encampment near Oquitoa. Vargas was to complete his mission with the greatest possible speed, no stops were permitted; only enough pinole and flour for one day were to be carried by the couriers. And probably to dramatize the need for supplies the generals also ordered that each of the four soldiers should take back two empty pack-horses apiece. Vargas and his command, more animals than men, left the general's tents at five o'clock on the afternoon of August 21.
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The heat of the morning was just being felt at "El Altar de Mesquite" when a squadron of horsemen rode up to the officer's tents. Fuente was a bit surprised to see Sergeant Vargas reporting .. Sanbrano was not in the group who were still mounted. And one of the men on horseback was dressed in a dusty black cloak; it was Padre Kino. 

As Vargas assured Fuente that he had ordered Sanbrano to bring up the main force, Padre Kino interrupted. While it was true that Vargas had delivered the general's orders, Kino had countermanded them for the good of the province. 

Kino explained to Fuente, as he had to Sanbrano the day before, that if the main force were to leave Ciénega de Tupo while the Indians were coming down to make peace, they would suspect a trap and flee to the mountains and peace would never be achieved. So he told Sanbrano to stay where he was with the army, and he would ride back to the generals to take full responsibility for his decision. Kino also took the trouble to inform Fuente and Terán that many of the soldiers were quite ill and numerous horses were in poor condition. In short, this was no time to initiate a bloody campaign which might take a heavy toll of life and health on both sides, particularly when the interests of peace would not be served anyway.

With the shocking news of Kino's bold intervention also came seven loads of meat, pinole, and flour. At least the generals had their way in something. The generals glanced away for a moment to see the heavily laden animals standing there in the hot sun. But Kino continued speaking from his saddle. Everyone who knew these Indians was confident that they were coming once again to make peace. And if peace was not achieved this time, the whole effort at civilizing and evangelizing this frontier would suffer an unthinkable setback. Sanbrano had been willing to defer to Padre Kino; he would wait at the Ciénega until he heard otherwise from the generals. 

Kino had then gathered several Pima messengers around him and instructed them to bring all the Indians to the Ciénega for a council of peace; he understood their sensitivities and desires to be done with the business of war and rebellion. This is what Kino had done at the Ciénega and his explanation for his actions was over. He swung down from the saddle and invited his Majesty's officers and men to attend Mass.

Kino's intervention at the Ciénega changed the strategy of General Fuente rather substantially. No one could argue with the keen insight into the Pima mind that had been shown by the Padre, he had taken a lot of wind out of the sails of war. ..... 
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The cavalry halted at Caborca an hour later. Shortly after the mid-afternoon meal eight Pima messengers arrived at the camp. They were the messengers Padre Kino had sent out from the Ciénega. They had travelled over thirty leagues through the hills but none of them were able to find any of the Indians who were still hiding.

All they learned was that some Indians were en route to the base camp near Tupo. After the arrival of this news, all remained quiet at the Caborca camp until García and his squadron rode in at nine o'clock. They had discovered the tracks of some twenty Indians who had scattered at the coming of the cavalrymen and then rejoined in a rough arroyo. But night fell and the soldiers were unable to establish contact or pursue them in the difficult terrain. 

While Fuente picked his way along the waterless trail southward, General Terán stayed at the Caborca camp. At eight o'clock he was met by the Governor of Tubutama who was followed by eight men, six women and four children. They carried no weapons, only crosses; the governor had found them after he carried the "tlatole" given by Kino on August 23. The word of the Padre still worked wonders in the desert. ...
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As for the Governor of Bosane and his people had gone to the Ciénega del Tupo because some messengers from Tupo and Toozona had summoned him in the name of the King and of Padre Kino. .... With the piece of intelligence that the Governor of Bosane and his people had gone to the Ciénega del Tupo to surrender there was no reason for the troops to remain in Caborca. ... 

The western campaign was over. All the Indians who could be found were pardoned. The guilty ones who had fled far to the west were beyond reach and would not be the cause of any trouble for the present. The generals were anxious to rejoin the rest of the forces at the Ciénega. ... 
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An early rise again was ordered on the morning of August 29. After Mass the cavalry set out up river and passed alongside a jutting sierra. Tubutama fell away to the north as they headed for the Ciénega del Tupo, and behind them on the trail they left the Governor of Tucubavia, whom they had generously rewarded with supplies and trinkets in gratitude for his part in the campaign of pacification. 

It was nearly four in the afternoon when the column of ninety-odd mounted soldiers and travelers entered the clearing at the Ciénega del Tupo. The governors of Bosane, Tupo, and Toozona whom the columns had been unsuccessfully tracking for weeks rushed from their encampments to greet the great generals and plead for pardon. The officers and men were just dismounting as the Indians pressed in around them. They had sufficient cause for their excitement, since they had been waiting six days for the arrival of the Spanish leaders. 

Generals Fuente and Terán looked around at the anxious crowd of Indians. They seemed so friendly, not at all the kind of people who had been the target of a kill-or-be-killed search. But the generals were too tired to talk. They smiled and ordered the supply sergeants to distribute meat and pinole as a sign of the Spaniards' pleasure and friendship. They would talk tomorrow. 
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August 30, 1695, dawned as the memorable day of the last treaty of peace which would bring the once fearful Pima rebellion to an end. Padre Kino rode into the pueblo of Tupo to celebrate Mass, and Padre Campos exercised his duties as military chaplain by saying Mass at the Ciénega camp. ...
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The chronicler of the official diary of Generals Fuente and Terán, Francisco Ignacio Gómez Robledo, began his entry of August 31 in a vain attempt to rewrite history. 

He wrote: "August 31, 1695. La Matanza. This place is so named because of the death of many Pimas in a place about one quarter of a league away from where we are encamped. This place is also called the Place of the Deaths, and the Place of the Last Peace with the Pimas. But today is the feast of Santa Rosa, and as we see only one cottonwood on the edge of this clearing, so we now name this place El Alamo de Santa Rosa. 6 a.m." 

With a stoke of the pen, Gómez Robledo had wanted to wipe out the ugly memory of the massacre with the pastoral setting of the treaty of peace. But the melodious name is found only in his records; today the place is still known as La Matanza - the Ciénega del Tupo.

Charles J. Polzer
"An Epilogue of Kino's Biography of Saeta: An Original Study"
In "Kino's Biography of Padre Saeta" 1961
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Editor Note: The description of the Spanish campaign is based on "Testtimonio de Auttos de Guerra fee has por los Capitanes Juan Fernández de la Fuentte, Don Domingo Therán de los Rios, y Don Domingo Gironza Petris de Cruzati. Sobre las Guerras de las Nassiones Janos, Jocomes, Sumas, Chinarras, Mansos, y Apaches, y la pasificazn. de los Pimas. Año de 1695."

To download above excerpts, click
Kino Brings Peace document (text)

Letter of  Kino's Immediate Superior Kappus To New Spain's Provincial Diego de Almonazir and Intrigues To Remove Kino From Missions

Editor Note: Kino’s immediate superior Rector Marco Antonio Kappus writes a long letter to New Spain’s Jesuit Provincial Diego de Almonacir. He write gives detailed and historically important account of the events from before the initial days of the Tubutama Uprising to the on going repercussions of the La Matanza massacre and the reactions of both O’odham and the Spanish.

In the first part of the letter that seems strikingly out of context, Kappus criticizes Kino's efforts as a total failure and states that Kino’s missionary practices are one of the causes of the Tubutama Uprising.

Kappus states that Indians are baptized by Kino without sufficient preparation and that the real inducement for Indians seeking to be converted to Christianity is to receive Kino’s gifts of abundant food and clothing.  The new Jesuits missionaries are at a great disadvantage in beginning their missionary work because they cannot attract  Indians to live in their missions because they missions lack the vast resources built up by Kino to provide for the physical well being of the O'odham.

It is important to note that it was unusual for Kappus as young missionary to be Kino’s rector or Kino’s local immediate superior. This position was held by Jesuits who had professed the fourth Jesuit vow that Kappus was not yet given permission to do.

When Kino arrived in Mexico City, he found out about the plot to remove him from the missions and to send him back to his position as an university professor.

Kappus Contra Kino
La Carta de Kappus

"Por abril se cumplieron siete años que yo asisto en este partido de Cucurpe, distante de la misión de Nuestra Señor de los Dolores como cinco leguas, antes menos que más, que es el primer partido de la Pimería. Nunca me ha parecido bien entablado el modo de estas conversión es ni me ha parecido jamás bien comenzado el cimiento, recelando yo siempre una fatal ruina, como se lo proponía yo siempre a cuantos superiores hubo hasta ahora en el decurso de mi tiempo, así inmediatos, como mediatos."

"Porque todo el ahínco ha sido siempre de reducirlos a los pimas agasajándolos con dádivas y con carne, dejando aparte lo esencial que es la predicación del evangelio, y la enseñanza en la doctrina cristiana y mandamientos de Dios y de la Iglesia; de donde se seguía mucha facilidad en admitir el bautismo sin saber ni conocer el vínculo de la obligación que trae consigo para aprender los misterios de la fe, siquiera los que son necesarios "necessitate medi" la doctrina cristiana, los mandamientos y vivir cristianamente. Porque una vez bautizados los adultos se contentan con tener echada el agua; ni hay que pensar que aprendan lo que habían de haber aprendido y sabido antes; y quedan en la antigua ignorancia de gentiles con nuevas obligación es de cristianos, sin cumplirlas jamás , porque lo que los llevó ytiró a recibir el bautismo que es algún agasajo con alguna dádiva, fue no sólo como un motivo impelente, sino fue como su motivo formal, su objeto, su norte, su todo, porque faltó la previa enseñanza de lo más principal y esencial, tocante albautismo y obligación de cristiano. "

"No hablo de todos los padres misioneros que entraron hasta ahora a las conversión es de la Pimería, sino de sólo el padre Eusebio Francisco Kino, quien si hubiera tenido tantos empeños en enseñar a los gentiles cuantos deseos y ganas y facilidad de bautizarlos, otra cara tuviera hoy la tan desforme Pimería; pero como a la medida de su celo no ha sido la discreción y prudencia, se han originado tantos inconvenientes y absurdos en esta lamentable Pimería, que casi no tienen número; bautizados hay por las rancherías distantes de la cristiandad más de 50 y 60 leguas sólo con esperanzas que vendrá un número de padres y los enseñará, etcétera."

"Los padres nuevos que entraban en la Pimería tienen tan contados los pocos que han bautizado, que causa admiración porque cuando llegan proponer a los gentiles que quieren bautizarse, la obligación de cristianos, la necesidad de los artículos de la fe, etc., lo primero que les responden es que a esto no los obligaba el padre Kino a los que pedían el bautismo, etc.; y como en todas las partes en donde entraban los padres nuevos había buen numero de bautizados por mano del padre Kino a su modo, los cuales entendían que por ser cristianos habían de quedar siempre agasajados con dádivas de ropa, de carne, etc. Y como los padres nuevos no tienen posibilidades para ello, que aunque tienen unas pocas reces, o alguna ropa que consiguen de limosna, no es ello tanto que tenga contentos y satisfechos a aquéllos, quienes luego dicen insultando, que el padre Kino daba más a menudo carne, daba con más liberalidad ropa y otras dadivas, sin discurrir ellos como incapaces, que el padre Kino tenia más de mil reces, lo que no tenían juntos todos los padres nuevos; y que tenía bastimento no sólo sobrado para su gasto, sino para vender lo bastante y comprar mucha ropa. Además que de ordinario tenía Su Reverencia empeñada su misión en más de mil pesos, sólo para tener siempre a la mano alguna ropa para agasajar así los suyos como los de afuera, que venían de lejos para verlo y llevar alguna dádiva para su casa."

"Cuando los padres recién llegados - sigue diciendo Marco Antonio Almonacir - llegan a proponer a los gentiles que quieren bautizarse la obligación de cristianos, la necesidad de los artículos de la fe, etc., lo primero que les responden es que a esto no los obligaba el padre Kino [...] que el padre Kino daba más a menudo carne, daba con más liberalidad ropa y otras dádivas, sin discurrir ellos, como incapaces, que el padre Kino tenia más de 1000 reses, lo que no tenían juntos todos los nuevos padres, y que tenía bastimento no sólo sobrado para su gasto sino para vender lo bastante y comprar mucha ropa; además que de ordinario tenía empeñado el partido en más de 1000 pesos, sólo para tener siempre a la mano alguna ropa para agasajar así los suyos como los de afuera que venían de lejos a verlo y de llevar alguna dádiva para su casa."

La Carta de Marco Antonio Kappus a provincial Diego de Almonacir, Curcupe, 28 de julio de 1695.

Excerpts from Letter of Marco Antonia Kappus to Provinical Diego de Almonacir, Curcupe, July 28, 1695.

Gabriel Gómez Padilla
"Kappus Contra Kino"

La primera parte de esta valiosísima carta inédita nos sorprende y a primera vista se antoja fuera de todo contexto, pues en ella Marco Antonio Kappus, ahora rector, critica muy duramente la pastoral bautismal de Kino como un fracaso total; más aún, indirectamente la pone, creemos que con poca objetividad, como una de las causas de la rebelión de Tubutama. Como introducción da una vista de conjunto bastante pesimista de la pastoral de la Pimería Alta de 1689 a 1695; le parece que no se han puesto buenos cimientos y de ello ha avisado a los superiores ...

La principal acusación y temor de Kappus es que se admite al bautismo a los indios sin la suficiente preparación; más aún, la práctica de ofrecer abundante carne a los bautizados le parece que pervierte la pureza de intención con que los indígenas pudieran acercarse al sacramento ...

Ante esta pastoral bautismal, Kappus siente que los nuevas jesuitas están en franca desventaja frente a Kino pues no tienen sus posibilidades de atraer a los indios mediante dádivas ...

¿Cómo explicamos pues esta falta de memoria y sobre |338| todo esta actitud de Kappus, quien tan sólo un año antes parecía inseparablemente unido a Kino cuando juntos tramaban el plan para retornar a California? Recordemos que Marco Antonio es ahora el responsable del nuevo rectorado de Nuestra Señora de los Dolores y el ángulo de observación cambia de cuando uno es simple súbdito a cuando es nombrado superior. En otras palabras, Kino - por su celo apostólico, sus dotes de administrador, su carismática amistad con los indígenas y su gran libertad personal - tal vez resultaba un misionero difícil de manejar para un joven superior. ....

Pero sea lo que fuere de estas incoherencias, adelantando mucho nuestra narración, diremos que la amistad de Kappus y su admiración por Kino, pasados estos años difíciles, materia del próximo libro, se restauraron completamente.  

Gabriel Gómez Padilla
"Kappus Contra Kino"
in "9,000 Kilómetros a caballo: Pimeros años de Kino de Sonora 1697- 1695" 2009

To download chapter, click
Kappus Contra Kino document (text)

Se Cuestionan Las Paces

Marco Antonio Kappus, no obstante su opinión tan negativa sobre la pastoral bautismal de Kino, al parecer quedó satisfecho con las paces de Santa Rosa. Los militares quedaron felices y aun Jironza, que estuvo ausente aquel 30 de agosto, escribió que "ponía su cabeza por la sinceridad de los pimas"; pero entre algunos jesuitas la situación fue diferente. A la cabeza de todos estaba el visitador Muñoz de Burgos. Transcribiremos los principales párrafos de su carta al provincial Diego de Almonacir, fechada en Arizpe el 11 de septiembre de 1695.

" [ ... ] Lo ultimo que hay que avisar a Vuestra Reverencia es como los pimas, viendo el campo de soldados que entró en su tierra, han bajado ya de paz, y se han sosegado. De estas paces se discurre con variedad porque unos las tienen por buenas y otros por sospechosas, y de estos fui yo; porque las circunstancias con que se han hecho nos dan que sospechar. Ello dije y de to do daré aviso a Vuestra Reverencia. Ahora va todo el campo sobre los jócomes y janos, y según dicen llevan filos de pasarlos a fuego y sangre. Quiera Nuestro Señor darles buen suceso." [1] 

¿Qué es lo que tanta desconfianza daba al visitador? No lo dice en su carta, pero podemos suponer que se refería a la entrega de los asesinos de Xavier Saeta como "conditio sine qua non" para lograr la paz. Tal vez el visitador hubiera preferido un borrón y cuenta nueva, lo que ni el honor militar, ni la prudencia de Kino, que conocían perfectamente lo explosivo de la situación de frontera, hubieran aceptado fácilmente. Más aún, es muy probable que ya hubieran llegado a México el in forme adverso de Kappus que reseñamos y |391|varios de otros muchos jesuitas - como Francisco Xavier de Mora ­ el rector de Babispe Horacio Policci - a los que Eusebio Francisco parecía un jesuita demasiado atípico, Lo que sí parece cierto - y a su tiempo presentaremos la prueba documental- es que Diego de Almonacir ya había tornado la decisión de sacar a Kino de Sonora para dejarlo castigado en los colegios. El siguiente párrafo de la carta de Muñoz de Burgos nos deja entender que muy probablemente el provincial ya había comunicado su decisión al visitador:

"Y si se sosiegan en breve estos enemigos, luego remitiré al padre Eusebio Francisco Kino y pondré en su lugar al padre Agustín de Campos. Porque su partido, como tengo ya escrito a Vuestra Reverencia, lo asolaron los pimas. Mas no por eso desesperamos de su remedio, antes si estas paces son buenas, ha de asentar de suerte la Pimería que sean las mejores misiones que tenga esta provincia, así por el puesto en que están como por la gente que es trabajadora, y de verle par los montes ahora sin que comer han de quedar bien escarmentados." [2] 
....

Gabriel Gómez Padilla
"Se Cuestionan Las Paces" 
in "9,000 Kilómetros a caballo: Pimeros años de Kino de Sonora"
2009

[1] AGN, Jesuitas, leg. 1-12, exp. 345, fols. 2206-2207
[2] Allí mismo, fo1. 2207.
Funetes
La Carta de Juan Muñoz de Burgos a Diego de Almonacir, Banámitzi, 1˚ de junio de 1695, preservada en AGN, Jesuitas, leg. 1-12, expo 348, es de extraordinaria importancia, no sólo porque en ella se cuestionan las paces de Santa Rosa, sino porque es el primer indicio de la amenaza que espera a nuestro misionero en México y la tormenta que se desatará más tarde a su regreso a Sonora.

To download chapter, click
Se Cuestionan Las Paces document (text)

New Scholarship On Missions Including English Translation Of Kappus Letter

New scholarship on the mission field through the life and work of Father Marcos Antonio Kappus is presented in the book “Letters By The Slovenian Missionary Marcus Antonius Kappus To The Habsburg Monarchy Including The 1701 Map Of California As A Peninsula” 2023 by Igor Maver.

To download the book including Kappus letter in Chapter 7 "Letter in Castilian/Spanish by Kappus in 1695 to His Father Provincial Diego de Almonazir"  click →
https://austriaca.at/0xc1aa5576%200x003ea7dc.pdf

Jesuit Father General Tirso González in Rome Defends Kino
Keeps Kino in the Missions

Father General Urges Kino's Return to The Californias

En cambio, el padre Tirso González, ignorante aún de la penosa situación, escribió a Diego de Almonacir una carta reafirmando su total confianza en Eusebio Francisco, dándole todo su apoyo para retomar la conquista y evangelización de las Califomias y enviándole un compañero. Así escribió el antiguo y fiel "amigo de Sevilla", ahora general de la Compañía de Jesús:

"Puedo decir que "me lleno de gozo" [75] al ver los muchos sujetos que esa provincia tiene empleados en sus gloriosísimas y dilatadas misiones de gentiles [donde] trabajan como verdaderos hijos de San Ignacio mirando sólo la mayor Gloria Divina y bien de aquellas pobres almas. [ ... ] Una relación he recibido del padre Eusebio Francisco Kino que me ha consolado mucho no sólo por lo adelantado que está en aquellos pimas la cristiandad, sino por la disposición tan buena que ha hallado en la entrada que hizo a finales de 1692, en que se reconoció |311| en tantas gentes los deseos de abrazar nuestra Santa Fe. Con ocho fervorosos padres que Vuestra Reverencia envió de nuevo a aquellas partes, se habrá adelantado mucho así en la buena educación de los que ya tenia el padre Kino reducidos, como a la conversión de los otros.

La facilidad que se ofrece, y veo en las cartas de los padres Kino y Salvatierra, del tránsito a las Califomias me obliga a instar de nuevo el que se procure la entrada de todas veras y calor; pues la navegación por la parte de los pimas es brevísima y la fertilidad de los parajes en que el padre Kino se haya es muy grande y en el caso que las Califomias no sean tan abundantes, puede darles mucho socorro, dándose las manos y ayudándose unas o otras. Y así encargo a Vuestra Reverencia con todo aprieto que en las diligencias que en México fueren necesarias y habrán escrito los padres Kino y Salvatierra, se ponga todo el cuidado posible para que se consiga lo que fuere necesario para aquella empresa. [ ...]

Considero que a los que hubieren de entrar les será de grande alivio el llevar consigo al hermano. Y sé que el hermano Juan Steinefer irá con gusto. Vuestra Reverencia le envíe luego a los pimas para que allí le ayude al padre Francisco Kino. Y esto Vuestra Reverencia lo ejecute, ahora se disponga la entrada alas Califomias, ahora no. Pues estoy seguro que es un muy buen operario catequizando e instruyendo.

Roma
21 de mayo de 1695
De Vuestra Reverencia siervo en Cristo
Tirso González. " [76] 

Esto es apoyar incondicionalmente a un amigo y tener visión, como superior jesuita, para valorar e impulsar sus proyectos misioneros. Aquí dejamos, por el momento, a Eusebio Francisco Kino, muy reconocido y apoyado en Roma por el padre general, pero - como veremos en el próximo volumen - a merced de la sospecha, la hostilidad y el deseo de humillarlo que abrigaban sus superiores inmediatos de Sonora y México. |312|

Gabriel Gómez Padilla
"El Pésame"
en "9,000 Kilómetros a caballo: Pimeros años de Kino de Sonora" 2009

Father General's Support of Saeta Biography

Al Padre Juan de Palacios,
Provincial, México. P. C.

EI Padre Eusebio Francisco Kino me dice que iba escribiendo la vida del venerable Padre Francisco Javier Saeta, últimamente martirizadoen la misión de los Pimas, y que añadiría también las de los demás que en esa Provincia han tenido el mismo dichoso fin. Luego, que acabe esa obra, Vuestra Reverencia hará que se revea, y revista y aprobada, dará licencia para que se imprima; porque tales noticias son de mucha gloria de Nuestra Señor, de la Compañía, y de los apostólicos empleos de esa Provincia.

Roma, 28 de julio de 1696.

De vuestra Reverencia, siervo en Cristo,
Tirso González

Editor's Note: Ernest Burrus writes Kino's Saeta Biography was never published because Kino's account of the Tubutama Uprising and Kino's defense was a matter highly sensitive matter to the New Spain authorities.

"Let him return without fail to the missions"

Your predecessor withdrew Father Kino from the missions; the missionary himself has written to me from Mexico City. He has been led to believe that he was summoned to report on the missions and to discuss with the Viceroy the means of reactivating the California enterprise. But the letters of your predecessor state that the real motive was to get him out of the missions and keep him in the Province.

If this is so, I cannot possibly approve such a decision, inasmuch as it deprives those missions of a most devoted worker who has toiled there with untiring zeal and boundless enthusiasm. Such has been his success that were he now employed at other tasks, he should be freed from them, and sent to the missions; so far am I from approving your withdrawing him from them!

Accordingly, Your Reverence will let him return without fail to the missions of the Pima Indians so that he can continue to work among them, unless the renewed entrance into California has received approval; in which case, he is to go there, taking with him the fellow missionaries he need for so wonderful an enterprise.

Now, I find two main charges against Father Kino; in fact, they are the only charges ever brought against him. The first is that, carried away by his enthusiasm and zeal, he is superficial in his work, hurrying as he does from one task to another. It is said that he baptizes the natives without  sufficient instruction in their obligations as Christians. If we consider how much Saint Francis Xavier attempted in such a short span of time, we must admit that saints use quite a different yardstick from the one applied with such caution by ordinary mortals; for them the might of God has no  limits. I am convinced that if superiors do point out some specific fault to Father Kino, he will amend it and follow their instructions.

The second charge brought against him is that he is excessively severe on his fellow workers.  Now, from the evidence which reaches us in Rome, this charge is utterly unfounded. First, because  no one has ever complained about him; secondly, because there is scarcely anyone in all the foreign  missions who speaks with greater deference and respect of other missionaries; nor does anyone ever  show greater kindness than Kino. Such evidence, then, utterly destroys any charge of harshness  towards his fellow workers.

Accordingly, Your Reverences will allow him to return to the missions. You will let him work there, inasmuch as 'the just man is not to be hemmed in by any law.' I am convinced that Kino is a chosen instrument of Our Lord for His cause in those missions.

Father Tirso Gonzalez
Father General of the Jesuit order
Letter to Jesuit Provincial of New Spain
Rome  July 28, 1696

Editor Note: Father General Gonzales was the worldwide head of the Jesuit Order. After Kino brought peace to the southwestern Pimeria Alta after the Tubatama Uprising of 1695, Kino was called to Mexico City by his New World superiors in an effort to end his career as a missionary under the guise of planning the Jesuit return to the Californias. Kino had been actively advocating a Jesuit return for the past 12 years since he was ordered to abandon his missionary efforts in California in 1683.

Based on Gonzales' letter of support, Kino was permitted to continue his work in the Pimeria Alta. As part of Kino's petition to remain in the missions, he wrote "The Biography of Father Saeta" which is the basis of modern missiology or the theory and practice of mission work. The second complaint addressed by the Father General that Kino was excessively severe on his fellow workers may have arisen from Kino's Father Saeta biography. 

"Six months in the Californias and
  the other six among the Pimas"

Your Reverence's letter of June 3, 1697, brought me the extraordinary consolation with which I always read your messages, so replete with encouraging news. The Lord seconds your efforts in behalf of disseminating the holy faith among the Pimas. Evidence of this is seen in the seven churches rebuilt among the missions and the town established anew. God be praised for thus blessing your work!

Although at the time of writing you were on the point of crossing over to the Californias with Father Juan María de Salvatierra, subsequent letters from Mexico City have informed me that you have not yet been able to go there 'because your presence was considered necessary to pacify the neighboring rebellious tribes and to hold in check the recently converted Pimas who might follow the bad example of the others. I hope that all is now peaceful and that you will soon have the opportunity of following in the footsteps of Father Salvatierra.

 I authorize you in the years to come to spend six months in the Californias and the other six among the Pimas, inasmuch as such an arrangement seems to me appropriate for the promotion of both groups of missions. I am also writing to Father Visitor Juan Maria de Salvatierra that, in general, whatever the two of you decide as best for the secure conservation of the California enterprise, this the two of you may do, inasmuch as I am certain that, in the light of your prudence and experience, both will undoubtedly determine what is best.

Accompanying your letter was the map which shows the Pima region where the servant of God, Father Francisco Javier de Saeta, was put to death by the unconverted natives. I have not yet received the- biography written by Your Reverence, nor the arrows and other objects. I have learned why they failed to reach me: inasmuch as Brother Simon de Castro's trip to Spain was cancelled, the small box [containing these things] had to be returned from Vera Cruz to Mexico City. I hope that all will be sent to me at the very first opportunity. The map has been put aside, so that, if the biography is published, it can be included.

Your Reverence said that three of the Pima chiefs or captains wanted to contribute towards the sepulcher of our Father Saint Ignatius. I am at a loss to know what to say except that Father Kino always thinks of doing good and that he has the honor of his Saint very much at heart. You will be happy to learn that the altar and tomb of our holy Father are now far along; they. will be among the grandest of their kind in Rome. The expenses have been very considerable: thus far, more than a hundred thousand scudi. I am enclosing for you a sketch and a description of this work of art.

Father Tirso Gonzalez
Father General of the Jesuit order
Letter to Eusebio Francisco Kino
Rome  December 27, 1698

O'odham March On Bazerac Through Sky Island Mountains & La Serrena Rivers
 "The Opateria" Map (Northern Half) Drawn By Paul Mirocha

A Pageant At Bazeraca
Herbert Eugene Bolton
Fall 1697

While the question of California was pending, Kino threw himself whole-heartedly into plans for missions among the Sobaípuris. Here too, he encountered opposition and discouragement. Somebody had an ax to grind. It was again noised abroad that these people were allied with the Apaches and other enemies of Sonora. It was said "that they were cannibals, that they roasted and ate people," and that for this reason one could not go among them. Mora's jealous criticism of Kino caused Polici to waver, and for a moment he thought of entrusting the work to Campos. But the plan was Kino's, and Kino was the one man to put it through. So Polici told him to go ahead.  ...... |355|

Kino was always a good showman. He now staged another pageant.Mission ranches had been established over the divide, but there were no missionaries. There must be a demonstration, and Kino provided one. The results of the four expeditions to the Sobaípuris were signalized and capitalized by organizing a pilgrimage of Pima chiefs to distant Bazeraca to see Father Polici and ask for padres. "So great were the desires of these natives of this Pimería to obtain missionary fathers that they determined to go to Santa Marla de Bazeraca to ask them of the father visitor." Kino managed the affair.

The natives met by appointment at Dolores toward the end of September, 1697. "Some had come fifty, sixty, eighty, ninety, one hundred and more leagues' journey to reach . . . Dolores, and as they had never gone so many leagues away from their country, I went with them through Sonora." One wonders what Mora said as he heard of the colorful company marching by with triumphant Kino at their head. They threaded the narrow canyons, scrambled up and slid down the steep mountains, crossed the narrow valleys, and forded the then rushing streams that cut the long rough trail which led to Polici's mission. "In the Real de San Juan, in Oposura, in Guasavas,through which we passed," says Kino, "both the seculars and the fathers received us with all kindness. On the sixth of October, feast of Our Lady of the Rosary, we reached Santa María de Bazeraca."

If Polici still had any lurking doubt, he was now convinced. The Pimas were welcomed "with a thousand tendernesses and with such joy by the father visitor, ... that his Reverence on the following day chanted a solemn Mass to the Three Holy Kings, the first gentiles who came to adore the Messiah - "Primitiae Gentium."  And his Reverence, through various inquiries, even secret, which he made and ordered made, was so well satisfied with the great loyalty of these Pimas that he wrote a very fine letter to the Señor military commander |357| [Jironza], requesting that the Pimeria be favored; that efforts be made to obtain for it the fathers it needed and deserved, since thereby the province would be quieted and made rid of the hostile Jocomes and Janos, who would retreat to the east; ... and that some soldiers should come into this Pimería, at least as far as Quíburi, to see with their own eyes the good state of affairs and the ripeness of the very plentiful harvest of souls." [1]

This triumph was a partial offset for Father Eusebio's failure to go with Salvatierra. .... |358|

Herbert Eugene Bolton
"Rim of Christendom - A Biography of Eusebio Francisco Kino: Pacific Coast Pioneer"
Chapter CXV: "A Pageant At Bazeraca"

[1] Kino, "Favores Celestiales", Parte I, Lib. v, Caps. 4-5; "His., Mem.", I, 164-167; Alegre, Francisco Javier, "Historia de la Compañia de Jesús en Nueva-España," III, 101.

Editor's Note: Kino was to sail with Salvatierra to Baja California to restart its colonization directed by the Jesuits. This was the culmination of Kino lobbying for 11 years for the return of the missions to California. Kino was on the trail to meet Salvatierra at the port of Yaqui  when a messenger caught up with Kino with a letter from Kino's superior ordering him to remain in the Pimeria Alta and not go to California. For the remainder of his life, Kino would be responsible for directing logistics for the supply from the Mexican mainland of the new and precarious California missions restarted by Salvatierra.   

Vista de la Plaza Mayor de la Ciudad de Mexico - 1695
Cristobal de Villalpando

Ride for Justice and Peace Chronology

13 Mar. 1687
Assigned as missionary to the Pima people and establishes his mission headquarters at Dolores. Next day from Dolores Kino begins his regular 70 mile circuit to villages at San Ignacio, Imuris, Remedios. Later in the month Kino travels with 100 Pimas to Tuape to celebrate Easter with Spanish settlers.

25 Jul. 1688
At Native village of Mototicachi, 100 miles northeast of Dolores, a Spanish officer orders the killing of all the 50 adult males and imprisons all women and children of the village as slaves. Officer acts on unjustified rumors that village leaders were part of a conspiracy by the Native peoples throughout Northern Mexico to revolt against the Spanish. The officer is sentenced to death but escapes. Although outside his area of responsibility, Kino seeks justice for the wronged Native people of Mototicachi. In 1698, Kino after his 53 day 1,500 mile ride to Mexico City will obtain an order from the Viceroy releasing the surviving people of Mototicachi from slavery and restoring them to their lands.

23 Feb. 1694
Second Altar Desert Exploration. Kino begins construction of a ship in the desert near Caborca to supply the yet to be restarted missions in Baja California. Kino brings about a peace settlement between two Western Pima leaders. First trip that Captain Manje joins Kino. Kino makes two other 1694 explorations with Manje into the Altar Desert.

21 Oct. 1694
Jesuit Father Francisco Javier Saeta arrives in Caborca as its first resident missionary priest.

Nov. 1694
Second Northern Exploration. Explores Santa Cruz River north of Bac to its junction with the Gila River. Kino is the first European to visit villages in the Tucson Valley and to see the Casa Grande at Casa Grande Ruins National Monument.

1695
Beginning of construction of the Basílica de Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe (The Basilica of Our Lady of Guadalupe ) in 1695 and completion in 1709. 

29 Mar. 1695
In response to the continued abuse by the Opata herdsman and executions by Spanish soldiers a year earlier, the villagers at the Tubutama mission kill the herdsman and two other Opata beginnng the 5 month Tubutama Uprising by the Soba O'odham in the Altar and Magdalena valleys.    

2 Apr. 1695
Father Saeta martyred in his mission church at Caborca on Easter morning during the early hours of the Tubatama Uprising. Kino tries to reestablish peace between Spanish and Western Pimas.

9 Jun. 1695
Calls peace conference at El Tupo. Spanish military betrays Pimas and kills 30 unarmed and innocent Pimas who are unable to escape. Uprising continues and nearby missions are destroyed by Western Pimas. Kino and his mission headquarters at Dolores are spared.

30 Aug. 1695
After a month of restoring peace, the final peace conference at El Tupo is held and peace settlement is made between the Pimas and Spanish. Peace lasts for the next 55 years until the start in Tubatama of the Pima Uprising of 1751.

16 Nov. 1695 to May 1696
Travels to Mexico City to quash false rumors about the Tubatama Uprising. Before his Jesuit superiors argues against being withdrawn as a missionary and reassigned as a university professor. Before the highest Spanish officials in Mexico, Kino petitions to restart missionary efforts in Baja California and to restore lands to Native People of Mototicachi. During the 2 months before his trip, Kino writes biography of Father Saeta. In biography is a description of Kino's missionary methods that are precursors to today's methods. Also draws map ("Saeta's Death") that accompanies biography.

May 1696
On his return trip from Mexico City, Kino narrowly escapes death when he takes side trip to Baserac to meet his Jesuit superiors after leaving his military escort who are all killed the next day in a Jocome attack. After arriving in Dolores, Native leaders living throughout the Pimería meet with Kino.

Jul. 1697
Kino's new assignment to restart missions in Baja California revoked after Spanish civilian and military officials petition Kino's superiors to have him remain in Pimería Alta to maintain peace.

6 Oct 1697
Meets with Native leaders at Dolores and travels with them more than 100 miles to Baserac to request more missionaries from Kino's Jesuit superior.

10 Oct 1697
Father Salvatierra restarts Kino's Baja California missionary efforts at Loreto near site of San Bruno without assistance from Spanish King. Jesuits are granted secular governmental authority. Contributions by Kino's missions in Sonora and by donors to the Pious Fund maintain Salvatierra.

1698 to 1701
Kino makes explorations to Colorado River and proves that California is not an island and that there could be a land route to supply the Jesuit mission effort in Baja. Baja continues to be supplied by ships sailing across Gulf of California.

1702 to 1711
In addition to his work in the missions of Pimería Alta,  Kino is assigned the work of supplying the Jesuit mission effort in Baja with wheat, cattle and other provisions from the Mexico's mainland.

For complete chronology of Kino's life and legacy, click
Kino Timeline page

Document Links for Kino's Ride For Justice

"Kino and Manje: Explorers of Sonora and Arizona" 1971
Ernest J. Burrus
Chapter 6 -  The Remaining Explorations in 1694
Chapter 7 - Decisive Years for Pimería Alta: 1695-1696
Chapter 8 - Discovering New Lands and Peoples: 1696-1697
To view entire chapters, click
Kino's Ride for Justice and Peace

"Kino and Manje ... " includes an appendix of thirty documents  translated by Ernest J. Burrus and a map and place finder by Ronald L. Ives.

"Kino's Biography of Padre Saeta" 1695
Eusebio Francisco Kino
Edited and translated by Ernest J. Burrus 1961
In English and Spanish, click

Kino Saeta Biography document (text)
Kino Saeta Biography document (pdf)

Website discussion about Kino's Saeta Biography, click
Missionary page

"Padre Kino and the Trail to the Pacific"
Jack Steffan
Accurate historical fiction account based on Kino's writings tells in three chapters the story of Kino's decisive years: the Tubutama Uprising, Kino's bringing of peace, his Ride for Justice and Peace to Mexico and return the Pimería Alta.
For Website Page Links
Click
Chapter 5 - The Blood of a Martyr page
Click
Chapter 6 - Vengeance! page
Click
Chapter 7 - The Children Asked for Bread page

"El Camino de Padre Kino hacia el Pacifico"
Jack Steffan
Capítulo 5 - La sangre de un mártir
Capítulo 6 - ¡Venganza!
Capítulo 7 - Los niños piden pan

Para todos los capítulos
Click
El camino de Padre Kino hacia el Pacifico document [text]
El camino de Padre Kino hacia el Pacifico document [pdf]

Website discussion on the Jesuit Return to California, click
California Founder page
and
California Builder page

Website discussion on Kino's Two Saeta Maps,click
Cartographer page

"Rim of Christendom:
A Biography of Eusebio Francisco Kino: Pacific Coast Pioneer"
Herbert E. Bolton, click
Rebellion In The Valley document (text)

Cycles of Conquest: The Impact of Spain, Mexico, and the United States
on the Indians of the Southwest, 1533 - 1960
Edward H. Spicer
Exceprts from Chapter 5 - Upper Pimas
Kino's Decisive Years 1695 -1697

To download excerpts, click
Click
Kino's Decisive Years 1695 -1697 document (text)
Kino's Decisive Years 1695 -1697 document (pdf)

"A Campaign Against The Pimas" Section
In "The Presidio and Militia on the Northern Frontier of New Spain: A Documentary History"
Volume One: 1570-1700
Editors: Thomas H. Naylor and Charles W. Polzer, S.J.
For the report of the military campaign during the Tubutama Uprising  click →
https://open.uapress.arizona.edu/read/the-presidio-and-militia-volume-1/section/8732ed6e-fc00-4838-80d3-af54211f5131

"An Epilogue of Kino's Biography of Saeta: An Original Study"
In "Kino's Biography of Padre Saeta"
Charles J. Polzer 1961
Background & analysis of the above referenced "Testtimonio de Auttos de Guerra ... "

To download excerpts, click
Kino Brings Peace document (text)

"Unknown Arizona And Sonora, 1693-1721:
An English Translation of Pt. 2. of  the Francisco Fernandez Del Castillo Version of 
"Luz De Tierra Incognita" by Juan Mateo Manje
Editor Harry J. Karns 1954

Chapter III - excerpts
[Manje's Third Trip with Kino - Gulf of California Coast]
Chapter IV - entire chapter
[Tubutama Uprising and Chiricahua Campaign]
Chapter V - excerpts
[Manje's Fourth Trip with Kino - San Pedro River to Casa Grande]

To download chapters, click
Manje Uprising Account document (text)

The Sobaipuris: Defenders Of The San Pedro Valley Frontier
Charles C. Di Peso
Former director of the Amerind Museum

For an account of the River O'odham living in the San Pedro Valley before and after the Tubutama Uprising and the their relationship with the raiding mobile bands and Spanish, click
The Sobaipuris: Defenders Of The San Pedro Valley Frontier document (text)

"Se Cuestionan Las Paces" 
in "9,000 Kilómetros a caballo: Pimeros años de Kino de Sonora"  2009
Gabriel Gómez Padilla

To Dowload entire chapter
Click
Se Cuestionan Las Paces 

"Kappus Contra Kino" 
in "9,000 Kilómetros a caballo: Pimeros años de Kino de Sonora" 2009
Gabriel Gómez Padilla

To Dowload entire chapter
Click
Kappus Contra Kino

"Letter in Castilian/Spanish by Kappus in 1695 to His Father Provincial Diego de Almonazir" in Chapter 7 of “Letters By The Slovenian Missionary Marcus Antonius Kappus To The Habsburg Monarchy Including The 1701 Map Of California As A Peninsula” 2023
Igor Maver

For a new English translation of Kappus' letter in which he blames Kino for the Tubutama Uprising and extensively reports on its beginnings to the ongoing Spanish punitive military campaign, click →
https://austriaca.at/0xc1aa5576%200x003ea7dc.pdf

Sharing the Desert: The Tohono O'odham in History
2003
Winston P. Erickson
Education Department of  The Tohono O'odham Nation 
Chapter 2 - Tranquility Disturbed
Chapter 3 -  A Little Rebellion

To Dowload entire chapter, click →
https://books.google.com/books/about/Sharing_the_Desert.html?id=2DNYFKAsx_AC

For "Letter in Castilian/Spanish by Kappus in 1695 to His Father Provincial Diego de Almonazir" Chapter 7  in “Letters By The Slovenian Missionary Marcus Antonius Kappus To The Habsburg Monarchy Including The 1701 Map Of California As A Peninsula” 2023
Igor Maverby, click →
https://austriaca.at/0xc1aa5576%200x003ea7dc.pdf“

English translation of the Kappus letter also available in
"Letters of Marcus Antonius Kappus from Colonial America I"
Janez Stanonik,
Acta Neophilologica XIX, 1986 pp. 35-56 

Archival Document Information

"Testtimonio de Auttos de Guerra fee has por los Capitanes Juan Fernández de la Fuentte, Don Domingo Therán de los Rios, y Don Domingo Gironza Petris de Cruzati. Sobre las Guerras de las Nassiones Janos, Jocomes, Sumas, Chinarras, Mansos, y Apaches, y la pasificazn. de los Pimas. Año de 1695."

Testimonio de Autos que se Remite al Gubernador y Capitan de guerra del Parral para que con su visita y del Despacho con resultos de junta que el execute las dichos que se le ordenan. Francisco Ramirez De Salazar 1692 Manuscript in El Archivo de Hidalgo del Parral, Chihuahua, Mexico. The Amerind Foundation Library, Microfilm 1692A, Frames 168B-ISIB.

Kino's Ride For Justice and Peace
Thoughts on The 325th Anniversary Commemoration  2020-2021

Weekly Itinerary with Themes and Reconstructed Daily Trail Log

To Follow Kino's Ride Across Mexico with Thematic Accounts
Click Web Page
Ride For Justice Journeys page