California Builder
The Pious Fund
Jesuit Return to California

"The fathers over here [California], who realize your Reverence as their benefactor and apostolic model in your indefatigable labors, salute your Reverence." 

Father Juan María Salvatierra
Rector of newly restarted Califonia missions
Later Jesuit Provincial of New Spain
1704

Antigua California
Mission and Colony on the Peninsular Frontier, 1697-1768"
By Harry Crosby 

Map of Kino's California and Gulf Trips Before Jesuit Return
To View Map Legend, click Legend

Kino in California 

In late 1681, Padre Eusebio Francisco Kino, [19] a Jesuit just arrived in New Spain, was assigned as geographer and mapmaker as well as missionary in a costly, government-backed effort to evaluate and colonize the California peninsula. From 1683 to 1685, "Almirante" (Admiral) Isidro de Atondo y Antillón led a group of soldiers, sailors, servants, colonists, and missionaries who tried to establish themselves, first at the harbor of La Paz and then at a site they called San Bruno on the mid-peninsular gulf coast. However, the expedition suffered <8> from an accumulation of problems and was withdrawn to a mainland port to regroup. Before it could be outfitted for a return, Spain experienced one of its periodic financial crises and the monies for California were preempted for more pressing imperial needs. Almirante Atondo had spent nearly a quarter of a million pesos and he blamed the new land's sterility and lack of usable resources for much of the cost. He helped to create a perception of California that dealt a severe blow not only to the continuation of his own venture, but also to the prospects of anyone who might later try to raise money for an occupation of the peninsula. After royal funding was withdrawn from the Atondo-Kino operation, the Society of Jesus declined to finance the activities that would be needed to reopen and sustain their suspended mission. [20] For the time, California was abandoned by all Spanish interests.

While Kino was with Atondo, necessity forced him on two occasions to leave the peninsula, sail to Sonora, and beg for large quantities of food at the Yaqui missions. [21] After his California mission was suspended and during the time he was waiting to return to it, Kino became convinced that a Jesuit California would need to have a close relationship with its prosperous sister missions across the gulf. Even the royal decision to abandon California did not end Kino's aspirations. When he received the news, he immediately wrote to his provincial to ask to be sent to the missions of Sonora; they were closest to California and from them he could pursue his return to the peninsula. When he was installed in Sonora, Kino wrote to a legal advisor of the Council of the Indies in Madrid to point out the prosperity of Sonora's missions and to ask for permission to plan a California campaign which those missions would help to supply. [22]

Kino sustained an active correspondence with benefactors to stimulate support for his ideas. [23] He initiated a campaign of letters and personal visits to fellow Jesuits in northwest New Spain. As a result, Padre Francisco María Piccolo, a missionary in the Tarahumara, became the first to petition the Jesuit general for a post with Kino in California. [24] As years passed, Kino regularly interrupted his routine missionary chores to carry out explorations that led ever closer to the head of the Gulf of California and a possible land route to the peninsula. Even as he established new missions among the Pimas, he initiated cattle herds that might some day assist a Jesuit expansion to California.

Kino and Salvatierra Plan Return of Jesuits to California 

In midwinter of 1691, in the heart of the Sonoran desert, a pair of Italian missionaries rode from mission to mission. Far into each night on the trail, they sat before hardwood campfires and planned a religious conquest in the name of their chosen patroness, Our Lady of Loreto. [25] One of these men was Eusebio Francisco Kino. His companion was Padre Juan María de Salvatierra, recently appointed to be "visitador general," the inspector of all Jesuit missions in northwest New Spain. [26] Despite the posts these men held, neither New Spain nor <10> the Pimería occupied their minds. A California crusade was being born. Six years after his agonizing withdrawal from that storied land, Kino was enlisting for a new campaign. [27]

Eusebio Kino was already a considerable figure in the greater world. He had published research in the field of astronomy. He was respected for his role in Atondo's aborted California effort. His letters to influential people had stirred new interest in the mainland missionary frontier and the fabled "island" lying beyond. His subsequent labors were well on their way toward establishing an extensive network of missions in the Pimería Alta; yet Kino was restless. He had not willingly substituted service at mainland missions for the pursuit of his California dreams. He saw the two areas as a continuum, with rich Sonora provided by God to support the spiritual conquest of poor California. [29] Kino's determination was galvanized by the enthusiasm of his visitor general. Throughout Salvatierra's official visit to the Pimería, the two refined a plan to go together to take the prize that lay across the Sea of Cortés. [30] >

All considered, Kino and his fellow Jesuits could not fault the admiral's decision to withdraw from California. They blamed the failure primarily on soldiers and colonists, but they also realized that the practical side of the religious effort had been inadequately prepared. In order to survive, a mission would need more capital, a better supply organization, and a nearby source of food. Kino hammered these points home - as well as his conviction that Sonoran missions could be tapped for much material aid. [32] 

Salvatierra and Kino were convinced that they could gain and hold the proper influence over neophyte Christians if they could achieve two goals. First, they needed effective control over the soldiers required to secure the desired territory. [36] Second, they needed permission to exclude - colonists people that, in their minds, would have a disruptive and degrading influence on mission converts.  ….

As Kino and Salvatierra mulled over their grand plans for California, they struck on the concept of a single authority in the field. They worked out details for a different sort of "conquista," religious to the core. The large, isolated Sonoran missions to the Yaqui and Mayo had provided them with more than an inkling of the advantages of relative independence. [37] but they aspired to more. In the fashion of the famous Jesuit institutions in Paraguay, their plan foresaw missionaries as the governors of an entire area and sole supervisors of all tasks required by both church and state. [38] They anticipated costs, problems of supply, and a host of other concerns. [39] When their arguments were thoroughly prepared, the two experienced missionaries felt ready for new careers in California. Salvatierra submitted a report of his Sonoran visitation to the provincial and added a letter in which he asked, as Padre Piccolo had done earlier, to be assigned to work with Kino for the religious conquest of California.

Although Padres Kino and Salvatierra were known and respected even in Europe, the provincial rejected the new proposal outright. He knew the bitterness of royal officials who had authorized the expenditures for Atondo's attempt <13 > to open California. The crown helped to fund all the existing Jesuit missions; the provincial refused to associate his order with requests for large sums of new money. Salvatierra then tried to go to the top; he appealed to the king and the Council of the Indies. When these letters were met with silence, the California conspirators realized that they would have to enlist broader support within both the Jesuit system and the government bureaucracy. [40]

The Advocacy Campaign

Individuals or organizations in the New World could sometimes sidestep their viceroys by dealing with their audiencias and, through that body, reach higher councils. If they had access to higher authorities or courtiers in Spain, so much the better. The Jesuits created an effective network of official and unofficial contacts with all levels of Spanish government and society, but before Salvatierra and Kino could exploit this asset, they had to overcome the resistance within their own order.

Individuals, even those as popular and respected as Kino and Salvatierra, could not simply declare their own crusades. [47] Any major undertaking had to be endorsed by a succession of superiors that ended with the general in Rome. Only with his support could a plan of such scope be brought before the civil government. [48] However, the hierarchy of the Society of Jesus remained conspicuously cool to the California proposal. The crown had been thoroughly disillusioned by the great amounts of royal money squandered on previous California ventures. [49] Jesuit leadership was understandably reluctant to associate itself with past failures and request additional outlays from a bankrupt royal treasury. [50]

Early in 1693, probably with help from influential friends, Salvatierra was made rector of the Jesuit college in Guadalajara. The energetic Jesuit found himself with more available time than he had had as a missionary and in a perfect position to promote interest in the California mission. Guadalajara was the seat of a bishopric, and its bishop, then Fray Felipe Galindo, had ecclesiastical authority over California and most of the intermediate lands. Salvatierra sought and received from Galindo the authority to administer the holy sacraments and to perform other ecclesiastical functions controlled by a bishop. [51]

The Audiencia of Guadalajara had civil jurisdiction over the peninsula and had previously taken a stand like that of the Council of the Indies, opposed to spending more royal funds in California where Atondo had seen so little promise. Nevertheless, members of this audiencia, and other members of the elite class in Nueva Galicia, were susceptible to any plan to develop an area over <15> which they had jurisdiction and from which they might derive profit by commerce or other means. They were all too aware of Guadalajara's secondary status after Mexico City, and they were always on the lookout for opportunities to develop business in their more remote and less-favored part of the Spanish world. A Jesuit mission would not lead directly to economic development, but it would be the necessary first step to establish the Spanish presence and open the peninsula to exploration. It was a simple task for the diplomatic Salvatierra to lobby effectively among Guadalajara's civil authorities and influential citizens. [52] 

During 1696, Salvatierra sent a number of letters to Fiscal Miranda y Villayzán [attorney or member for audencia]  to explain his arguments for returning to California. With these ideas, Miranda y Villayzán persuaded his reluctant colleagues that opening California would serve the economic interests of the province of Nueva Galicia. He also forwarded his position paper to the Conde de Galve, viceroy of New Spain since 1688. The audiencia withdrew its opposition and sent the viceroy a formal request to grant Salvatierra's petition. Although the viceroy rejected these appeals, the incident marked a notable change in the attitude of some civil authorities. [57]

Kino and Salvatierra expanded the scope and frequency of their correspondence within the Jesuit chain of command. Kino, in particular, had the ear of Padre Tirso González, the general in Rome, a sympathetic ex-missionary under whom he had studied in Sevilla. By 1695, the provincial in Mexico City, Padre Diego de Almonacir, not only felt the pressure of the missionaries' petition but also learned that it was supported by the general. [58] While Salvatierra sought backing among the Society's prominent benefactors, Kino enlisted the assistance of his fellow missionaries in Sonora and the Pimería Alta, some of whom began to accumulate herds and stores to contribute to California. [59]

Funding was the crucial factor in gaining approval from both the Jesuit hierarchy and royal officials. Part of the blueprint that Kino and Salvatierra < 16> drew up with so much care depended on freedom from the regulations and interference that would inevitably accompany funding that they did not control. To overcome that obstacle, Salvatierra and his advisors worked out an ingenious proposal. They recalled that back in 1671 Alonso Fernández de la Torre - a citizen of Compostela, a town on the road between Guadalajara and Sinaloa - left an endowment for the establishment of missions in Sinaloa and California. [60] Kino had used income from this bequest to finance his 1683 - 1685 efforts to establish a California mission. This gift from Fernández de la Torre gave the enthusiasts the idea of financing the entire venture through donations that would establish an adequate endowment. This solution would disarm the opposition. The viceroy would feel less like a watchdog for royal coffers. Jesuit leaders would not feel called upon to share money earmarked for other missions. Outside the immediate California organization, the Society of Jesus would be relieved of any future financial responsibility. {Nevertheless, a newly installed Jesuit provincial, Padre Juan de Palacios, was convinced that it was impolitic to defy "Virrey" (viceroy) Galve's stated opposition. Salvatierra overcame Palacios's resistance to the California project by spiritual blackmail; he suggested to the seriously ill provincial that his malady was the outcome of hindering a work dedicated to Our Lady of Loreto. When Palacios promised support for California, Padre Juan María took his novices to pray for the Virgin's intervention; the provincial recovered, and the score was settled. [61]}

At the end of 1696, there were other promising developments. José Sarmiento Valladares, the Count of Moctezuma and Tula, was made viceroy of New Spain. He proved more sympathetic to the California proposal than either of his immediate predecessors. Padre Provincial Palacios was induced to present Moctezuma with a petition that spelled out pertinent arguments for the Kino-Salvatierra plan: the Society of Jesus was prepared to reoccupy California at no cost to the king. There were, Palacios emphasized, "pious persons who would assist us with alms" and ships promised at no cost to the royal treasury; all this largesse could be lost by delay or through the death of willing benefactors. [62]

Salvatierra and Kino played on long-standing royal interests. Many of Spain's woes had roots in the relatively easily acquired riches of the New World. Gold and silver had paid for goods and wars and luxuries while trade and industry were neglected; but now that Spain was desperate, no one in power wished to close the door on possible California riches. While making no promises, Salvatierra reminded the crown of the advantages of thriving industries in pearl fishing and mining, both paying royal taxes, and a port in California to assist the profitable but troubled Manila galleon trade with Asia. In the fashion of the time, a few other arguments were advanced that may have weighed little in serious councils but could be cited publicly for pious effect. The Atondo expedition had come away with three California natives whose people had been promised their return; Spanish honor was at stake in making good that promise. Moreover, Eusebio Kino and the other Jesuits, Padres Juan Bautista Copan and Matias Goñi, had begun the religious instruction of many <17 > natives. Further neglect of these converts would encourage them to relapse into their former heathen state, a blow to the faith and to the king to whom they had promised allegiance. [63] At the same time, Virrey Moctezuma was made the object of a private campaign carried out by Salvatierra in his typically thorough and pragmatic Jesuit fashion: the persuasive missionary obtained an audience with the viceroy's wife, Doña Andrea de Guzman, and won her over as a most effective advocate. [64]

The proposal now had the ear of the viceroy and the Audiencia of Mexico. Stated simply, a responsible group of churchmen was proposing to give the crown a long-sought domain without expense to the royal treasury. Under these terms, there were no reasonable grounds for refusal. On 5 February 1697, Virrey Moctezuma granted Salvatierra and Kino a license to establish their mission in California. This license was exceedingly explicit about the powers and responsibilities that it conferred. On the paramount issue of funding, the viceroy wrote, "I concede the license which they request with the condition that nothing from the royal treasury can be drawn nor spent on this conquest without his Majesty's order." [65]

Salvatierra had been too shrewd to volunteer the services of his order or to undertake to pay all costs without receiving concessions in exchange. He boldly asked for and got control over matters normally administered by secular authority. His license broke with tradition and set precedents: Jesuits were given military powers. The superior of the mission to California was allowed to retain any armed men whose salaries he could pay. He had the power to choose and dismiss officers and, by inference, common soldiers; the viceroy merely had to be informed of changes. In the same manner, the missionary leader could appoint and remove civil authorities from office. [66] In exchange, the holders of the new license gave the easy promise that all conversions would be made in the name of the king, and the difficult promise to pay every peso of California costs.

The Pious Fund of The Californias

As soon as signs were favorable, even before the license was granted, a campaign was launched to obtain endowments. Salvatierra and Kino, patricians both, had networks of friends in high places to suggest who could be courted, how, and by whom. However, the problems of distance and slow communications remained. Kino, at work in the Pimería, was at the farthest extremity of New Spain; Salvatierra was in Guadalajara; most benefactors and royal officials were in or near Mexico City. Influence was exerted within the order and, in January 1696, Salvatierra was transferred to be rector and master of novices at the Jesuit college of Tepotzotlán, near the capital city. As soon as he was <18> granted the license to open California, he was released from other duties and freed to go in person to solicit donations. At about this time, Padre Juan de Ugarte enlisted proudly as a third beggar for California. This prominent Jesuit, then a professor of philosophy at the Colegio Máximo in Mexico City, threw himself into the fund raising with the same energy and dispatch that would characterize his later missionary endeavors. [67]

[Editor's Note: In January and February 1696 Kino joined with Salvatierra and Ugarte in Mexico City in the advocacy campaign and the further planning for the Jesuit return to California. Kino rode 1,200 miles in to Mexico City to save the Pimería Alta missions from their threatened closure and personally presented his "Biography of Father Saeta" to governmental and religious authorities. The Padre on Horseback rode the 1,200 miles to Mexico City in 53 days.For more about Kino's Saeta Biography and protection of O'odham after the Tubutama Uprising, click Missionary.]

The upper classes in the Spanish colonial world had accepted the evangelical and charitable enterprises of the church as part of their responsibility. They applauded and esteemed people who gave generously to pious works. ….

But, at first, California did not appeal to the wealthy who engaged in fashionable philanthropy. Past failures had been well publicized. The skepticism of leaders in both church and government was well known. Many viewed Salvatierra and Ugarte as madmen because they proposed to do with private alms what immense sums from the royal treasury had failed to accomplish. [69] One affluent churchman showed his irritation by dismissing Juan de Ugarte by putting one peso in his doffed hat. The tide finally was turned by unexpected, gifts from two men reputed to be practical and tight fisted. Alonso Dávalos y Bracamonte, the Conde de Miravalle, and Mateo Fernández de la Santa Cruz, the Marqués de Buenavista, each gave one thousand pesos - with striking public effect. The accounting soon showed eight patrons, five thousand pesos in hand, and ten thousand more promised. [70] It was a good beginning, but Salvatierra knew that the endowment for a new mission area would cost several tens of thousands of pesos, and ten thousand pesos was the cost of an elegant home, a year's income for a very rich man, or the dowries for two of his daughters.

However, the California cause was alive; circles of interest widened and soon <19> included the first major contributor. In July 1696, Juan de Caballero y Ocio, a wealthy secular priest in Querétaro, donated twenty thousand pesos for the permanent support of two missions. [71] Another benefactor, Pedro Gil de la Sierpe, treasurer of His Majesty's royal exchequer at Acapulco, had wealth and a position from which he could make invaluable contributions. In October of the same year, he arranged to have the "Santa Elvira," an old ship belonging to the king, made fit for service and then offered it for Salvatierra's use. Don Pedro later donated a larger vessel, the "San Fermín," a large launch named "San Javier," and a small launch called "El Rosario." Both launches would serve long and well in California. The cost of the three vessels, plus Gil de la Sierpe's other contributions, represented more than twenty-five thousand pesos; in addition, he paid to maintain one soldier in California.

With such examples of pious generosity, more of the wealthy contributed. Skeptics were stilled as an endowment grew that might actually finance the quixotic venture. All money and property promised to Salvatierra, Kino, or Ugarte was pooled to form a single financial entity, a trust fund in support of California missions. A major new post was created - "padre procurador de Californias" - administrator of finances to oversee all monetary activity and record keeping for the new adventure. Salvatierra chose Juan de Ugarte, who had performed admirably in similar positions with Jesuit schools, to assume this vital responsibility. [73] Ugarte installed a central bookkeeping system and used the donated funds to buy "haciendas," rural properties that were profitably devoted to raising sheep or cattle. [74] These investments formed the basis of the Pious Fund for the Californias, an entity that eventually grew to a value of several million pesos and endured for over two centuries. [75]

Kino's California Return Denied Again

Just then an unforeseen obstacle blocked the path to California: a rebellion broke out at a mission in the remote Tarahumara. Sparks from the uprising ignited disorder all along the frontier of northwest New Spain. [81] Soldiers, ships, and supplies were diverted to fight the revolt; promises long-made to Salvatierra were set aside. A slighter spirit than his might have despaired; but the padre never doubted the divine inspiration of his mission; he had promised this conquest to Our Lady of Loreto and, in her name, responded to adversity with characteristic energy and fervor. While visiting the Tarahumara and doing what he could to calm the uprising, he continued to correspond regularly with actual and prospective supporters of his California plans. [82] ... <22>

When most of the supplies were in and repairs effected, the expedition waited for two vital elements: more soldiers and Padre Eusebio Francisco Kino. As time dragged on, it became apparent that presidios on the frontier feared additional uprisings and were unwilling to release men who had volunteered for California. [85] At the end of September, a letter from Kino shocked Salvatierra. The great pioneer of the Pimería Alta had received the permits from his provincial, Juan de Palacios, and from Virrey Moctezuma freeing him to go to California. He sent them to Padre Horacio Polisi, superior of the Sonoran missions, and took the trail to Guaymas to join Salvatierra. However, Padre Polisi immediately wrote to the provincial to protest that in those troubled times only Kino could control and placate the disturbed neophytes of the huge area he had evangelized. Moreover, Polisi informed the governor of Sonora and New Mexico, Domingo Jironza Petriz de Cruzate, of Kino's release. The governor importuned the viceroy in the strongest terms, insisting that Padre Kino was worth more than a presidio in an area that threatened revolt. Both the provincial and the viceroy gave in to the arguments. Kino became the victim of his own success as he was ordered back to his mission. Padre Francisco María Piccolo was released from his mission in the Tarahumara to take Kino's place. For the second time, Spanish officialdom had denied Kino a return to California. [86] .... <23> 

When Padre Juan María de Salvatierra landed at [Loreto] Conchó, he needed all his Tarahumara experience and all of Kino's information and advice to gain a foothold among California's people. [1] … <27>

Kino Building Boat for Shipping Wheat and Cattle of HIs Sonoran Missions to Baja

The Dependence of Jesuit California on Kino's Sonoran Missions

Before their campaign to open California began, Salvatierra and Kino foresaw that money alone might not be able to sustain their California venture. Both padres recognized that Mexico City and Guadalajara were far away and emergencies were inevitable. Their prospective settlement would need a nearby, reliable source of food. [99] Therefore, Padre Kino pioneered missions that had the potential to create surpluses of livestock, missions located in the Sonoran territories near the part of California that he hoped to evangelize. [100] Coincidentally, Kino's own mission field, the Pimería Alta, lay just north of the most <150> populous and prosperous of all the Jesuit missions, those along the broad, fertile banks of the Rio Yaqui.

Kino and Salvatierra were men of stature who had regular dealings with important figures in society, finance, politics, and the church. They met little opposition when they decided to use Sonoran missions as their springboard and larder. No other Sonoran Jesuits had wide influence; none would have been likely to oppose contributions to so popular a venture as that of brother Jesuits opening California. Thus, as soon as Salvatierra's cross was planted on the opposite shore, Sonoran missions began to feel the pressure of his needs. One of his ships returned for provisions immediately after depositing the first shore party, and at least five more crossings for supplies were made during the first year of the settlement. [101] In October 1700, Kino collected and shipped seven hundred cattle donated by Jesuit missionaries in the Pimería and Sonora. [102]

[Editor Note: Kino personally traveled to Jesuit missions in Sonora and collected desperately needed supplies to be shipped to Salvatierra's newly established mission. For more information about Kino's Baja relief and supply of the California missions for his last decade, see Sortillón entry at botton of page or for website  click Sortillón. Kino's vision for California and his advocacy for the Jesuit return to Baja and his subsequent supply of the new missions is key to understanding Kino's life and work on the Spanish frontier.]  

In 1701, Salvatierra joined Kino on one of his many explorations northwest in the Pimería Alta, this time to look for a usable land route to California. [103] That objective was not achieved, but on his return to Guaymas, Salvatierra seized the opportunity to establish San José, a "California" mission that could serve as a supply depot near the great harbor. [104] Meanwhile, Salvatierra and Kino continued their letter-writing campaign to people in high places. In response, Padre Provincial Francisco de Arteaga congratulated Kino on the discovery of potential mission sites in the northwest, "because those missions, once established, will become the support of California." [105] Padre Juan María informed Tirso González, the Jesuit general in Rome, that Arteaga had instructed his missionaries in Sinaloa and Sonora to provide assistance to California. Salvatierra asked González to thank the helpful provincial and the missionaries who had responded with contributions. [106] The padres' active correspondence reflected not only California's long-term dependence on outside help, but also the acute food shortages at Loreto in 1701 and 1702. Shipments from the Pimería and Yaqui missions enabled the colony to survive. [107]

Padre General González conferred several powers on Salvatierra to facilitate his leadership, one of which was the right to transfer any unneeded or undesired missionary from California to Sonora or Sinaloa. [108] In 1703, Salvatierra used that power to send Padre Gerónimo Minutili to Sonora. There, he was trained by Kino and placed at Tubutama, a mission that raised cattle and served as a way station between Kino's headquarters at Misión de los Dolores and San José, the new California mission at Guaymas. [109] A year later, Kino sent the Jesuit general a glowing description of progress in California - and reminded him of the importance of the Sonora-California relationship by enumerating the contributions he was able to make through San José de Guaymas. [110] From 1702 to 1704, food shipments from the Pimería Alta and Yaqui missions continued to be crucial to Loreto's survival. [111]

In 1704, Salvatierra sent Padre Piccolo, his right hand, to Guaymas to further develop Misión de San José and to thank the missionaries of the Yaqui and encourage their continued support. Piccolo received many cattle from <151> Kino, most of which he shipped to needy California. Piccolo also received the news that he had been appointed padre visitador of the Sonoran missions. [112]] Letters he wrote during his four years as visitador show that he kept close contact with Padres Kino and Minutili and channeled needed supplies to California. [113]

In 1706, Eusebio Kino still had his mind on what he called "the little sister across the gulf," [114] His plans were as ambitious as ever, encompassing nothing less than a ring of missions around the head of the gulf to serve and lead to the peninsular missions. [115] Padre Piccolo, then his superior, wrote to thank him for his continuing assistance to "the poor padres of California."[116] In 1709, while California suffered serious epidemics and food shortages, Kino rallied support. He heard from Salvatierra that, by disposition of the Jesuit general, Kino's principal obligation was to help California. [117] He had been the first driving force behind the Jesuits' return to California. During the twenty-six years after his own mission to the peninsula was suspended, he was probably the most vital benefactor of the new mission that took its place. Kino died in 1711 at age sixty-six. He has been recognized for his vision, but his efforts toward, and material contributions to, the development of the peninsular mission have been underappreciated in California annals. …<152> 

 Excerpted From
"Antigua California
 Mission and Colony on the Peninsular Frontier, 1697-1768"
 Harry Crosby

End Notes

Click Antigua California Kino Notes

Notes in brackets [number] in excerpts above.
 

To Download Above Excerpts

California Builder
The Pious Fund and Jesuit Return to California
Click California Builder

Kino In Baja and Gulf

For more articles and maps
Click Baja & Gulf Explorations 

Sortillón - Kino's Baja Relief and Supply

For more information about the importance of Kino's California mission relief and supply efforts in the building of the Californias
click Sortillón

Web author Manuel de Jesús Sortillón Valenzuela masterfully narrates Kino's efforts and vision for the Californias with with historical correspondence, maps and images. See chapters 10 through 16 as to selected events. Kino, as a pioneer builder of California, although not often recognized is key to understanding Kino's life and work on the Spanish frontier.

The Sortillón web site written in Spanish is entitled "Francisco Eusebio Kino  - El Padre de Sonora."  Kino was called by both his baptismal name of Eusebio and his vow name of Francisco. Kino added Francisco to his name after he prayed for the intercession of his patron saint Francis Xavier while near death at the age of 18. After recovering from his illness Kino vowed that he would become a missionary and Jesuit like his patron saint Franics Xavier, the great missionary to the people of Asia.

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