Historian

Eusebio Francisco Kino Signature

"Few if any missionary episodes are better illuminated by contemporary records than this one whose scenes were La Paz and San Bruno.  … The diaries, maps, linguistic notes and letters of Kino, Copart, Atondo, Guzmán and others connected with the [Atondo-Kino California] enterprise constitute a definite contribution to North American exploration, cartography, ethnology, and history, comparable, we might say, with the famous reports of Frémont, or of Lewis and Clark."

Dr, Herbert E.  Bolton
"Rim of Christendom 
A Biography of Eusebio Francisco Kino: Pacific Coast Pioneer"  1935

"His manuscripts now brought to light constitute by far the best contemporary historical record of the regions where he labored."

Hubert Howe Bancroft

"Kino, Historian's Historian"

Ernest J. Burrus, S.J.


Some months ago, when I suggested in letters to several friends in Tucson that the two hundred and fiftieth anniversary of the death of Eusebio Francisco Kino - March 15, 1961 - not be allowed to go by unobserved or uncommemorated, I quickly realized from the enthusiastic and heartwarming response that Tucson is very much "Kino country" and that in this city there are many true aficionados of the great frontiersman and Christian pioneer. Father Kino's work as explorer and missionary, as a maker of borderlands history, is well known here. On his occasion, therefore, it may be appropriate to emphasize a lesser known aspect of Kino's remarkable career: his work as a recorder of the history which he did so much to make.  ....

This strenuous doer of deeds was also a scrupulous recorder of them. Kino's writings were numerous and deal with a considerable variety of subjects: astronomy, cartography, ethnology, geography, linguistics, and political, social and ecclesiastical history. He furnishes indispensable biographical data on himself and numerous key figures civil, military, and religious. To appreciate the wealth of information his writings furnish, the modern historian has only to try to prescind from them in discussing such personalities as Admiral Atondo, Governor Jironza, Captains Manje and Bernal, or Fathers Juan Ugarte,Salvatierra, Francisco Maria Piccolo and Saeta. Without his reports, the Indian chiefs whom Kino immortalized for their loyalty and braverywould be completely unknown to us. How unwaveringly he defends the Pimas against false accusations in a statement that he copied over and signed many times! On each of the numerous tribes of Baja California and Pimeria what a wealth of detail he gives, how he penetrates and reveals their character and distinctive traits! How, then, to write on the history of Lower California without Kino's contribution? How to deal adequately with the late seventeenth or early eighteenth centuries in Pimeria Alta without studying his works? .....

But it is exclusively with Kino's work as a writer of history that this paper will deal, and here four questions arise spontaneously. They are these: (I) What writings in particular merit for Kino the title of historian? (2) Was he accurate, did he possess and exercise a critical spirit, and what were the sources on which he drew? (3) Did certain factors - such as the missionary's need for effective propaganda and the composition of all his key writings in a language not natively his own - detract from his historical impartiality or from his ability to express his thoughts so that subsequent historians could understand unmistakably and unequivocally what he was trying to say? And (4) Are there important manuscripts still to be discovered which may confirm my opinion that Kino deserves to be called "historian's historian?

 For Entire Article, click on Kino, Historian's Historian

Mother of the Missions 1692
María Guadalupe de Lancaster
Duchess of Aveiro, Arcos y Maqueda
With Her Children Joaquín, Gabriel and Isabel

One of Kino's Letters To The Duchess 
Plan for Jesuit Return to California 1686

Your Excellency, the Peace of Our Lord be with you!

Some six months ago, shortly after reaching Mexico City from California (or Carolinas), I wrote <2> to your Excellency giving you an account of that vast Island's extensive mission field so ripe for the harvest of souls, and the heartrending pleadings which those gentle and tractable natives (after their instruction in the tenets of our holy faith) are making to receive holy baptism. <3> I also recounted how we sailed out in the California ships to meet and warn the Manila Galleon about the enemy pirates lurking along the coasts of the South Sea in order to capture it. By God's favor, we succeeded in bringing the Galleon into the port of Acapulco to the chagrin of the four enemy ships. <4>

Afterwards, about the middle of January of this present year of 1686, we continued from Acapulco to Mexico City. In April, as we were on the point of returning to California to get on with the conversion of the many docile natives and gather in so ripe a harvest, a decree arrived from Madrid. Inasmuch as the previous year of 1685 a report had gone out from here to the effect that Nueva Vizcaya, <5> because of the natives' restiveness, was on the brink of ruin, the order came enjoining the assistance to and preservation of that province or territory of Nueva Vizcaya, even if this entailed the suspension of the California enterprise with its settlement and conversion. But as this suspension was effected not because of the peril to which Nueva Vizcaya is exposed (as the royal Attorney-general <6> states in his reply of May 6th of the present year of 1686), additional subsidies instead were obtained for four new missions: <7> two among the Tarahumaras and the others among the pagan Seri and Guayma Indians who live within sight of California, so close that only fifteen or sixteen leagues separate them. My superiors recently appointed me to found this new mission or missions among the Seris and Guaymas, who are also pleading for holy baptism. For this purpose I shall be departing, God willing, from Mexico City in just two days. <8>

Although we are hoping that the final decision for the continuing of the settlement and conversion of California (or Carolinas) will be a favorable one, and are consoled by the news that the next Viceroy <9> is well disposed towards the missions through his devotion to the eminent apostle and angelic Saint Francis Xavier, and, further, are reassured by the grant of two subsidies for the two new missions among the Seris and Guaymas with the observation that the sum would thus help promote the continuity of the conversion of nearby California; despite all this, the uncertainty of the future is blocking or delaying the dispatch of the spiritual assistance for the salvation of so many souls so eager to receive holy baptism. <10> In all sincerity and from the depth of my heart, as also in the name of those gentle and tractable natives, I commend, not once but a thousand times, this enterprise to the holy zeal of your Excellency so that, when the occasion presents itself and you judge it opportune, you will deign to favor so holy a cause. To this end it would help to keep in mind the following three points. <11>

The first is that at present it is possible to secure the continuation of the settlement and conversion of California with a moderate and wisely employed sum from the royal treasury, <12> whereas since 1680 nearly half a million pesos have been spent <13> (that is, approximately one hundred thousand pesos each year), and the earlier expeditions <14> entailed an outlay of two million more, namely those of Hernan Cortés in 1523, of Sebastian Vizcaino in 1597 and 1602, of Francisco Ortega in 1634, of Admiral Pedro Porter Casanate in 1644, of Bernardo Bernal de Piñadero in 1677 and other attempts involving large ships and "long boards," armed soldiers and marines, weapons, supplies and repairs; the expenditures for the discovery and settlement of California amounted to the sums stated above. But now with a couple of long boats and a small garrison of twenty or twenty-five soldiers and four to six missionaries (a total expenditure of some twenty thousand pesos and, if necessary, of even a smaller outlay), it is possible to effect the desired project of the peaceful settlement of California, as can testify many level-headed men with experience gathered during the last few years through their participation in the California enterprise.

Everyone knows how much the undertaking has suffered and has been retarded and how much useless expenditure has been incurred by employing large ships and sailing them over a route more than two hundred leagues from Compostela and Guadalajara in order to transport the provisions to California, with a delay of usually nine or ten months until the bulky shipment finally arrived and half rotten at that; whereas with a weekly crossing of long boats from Sinaloa and Yaqui, it would be easy to secure all that one might desire.

The second is that the settlement, enterprise and conversion of California has experienced many difficulties, obstacles and delays (purposely created, by the way). The enemy of mankind in the attainment of its salvation, furious that so great a prize, securely his for so many years, should slip from his grasp, associated with some others, has so resolutely opposed the Society of Jesus, that one may appositely say with the Apostle of the Gentiles in his First Epistle to the Corinthians, XVI, 9: "For a great door and evident is opened unto me; and many adversaries."

Despite the large number of the difficulties, <15> they can be reduced to these three: the first, the great expense; the second, the drought and unproductiveness of the land, so much so that some have not hesitated to say that the country is uninhabitable; the third, the diseases, especially scurvy, which during the past months of March, April and May of 1685 made victims of many soldiers.

The replies to these three difficulties are as follows. The solution to the first has been indicated above, namely in the first point discussed. The second difficulty states that the drought in California lasted a year and a half; it is at least extenuated by realizing that the drought was general; that is, almost everywhere in New Spain and North America, and that when we reached California on October 6, 1683, and proceeded to San Bruno, we found attractive and fertile lands with plentiful pastures for herds and suitable for planting, as Admiral Isidro de Atondo y Antillón wrote to the Viceroy in a letter dated October 15, 1683. The bit of maize and wheat and other grain which we then planted gave a yield equal to that of any part of New Spain; from the wheat harvested bread was made and the hosts with which for a long time the holy sacrifice of the Mass was celebrated.

Likewise, from the information furnished by the California natives, it is certain that farther north <16> there are lands which are level, rich and fertile, and with abundant water. There is a royal decree with the statement that on the 36th parallel there are trees to build ships of any tonnage. It is also certain that we have not yet seen one percent of California, which is so extensive that the distance from Cabo San Lucas <17> to Cabo Mendocino and Cabo Blanco is over five hundred leagues; <18> and, according to sea charts and the accounts of Sebastian Vizcaíno, Francisco Ortega, Pedro Porter de Casanate and others who on various occasions sailed over to California in order to explore the region (and their statements agree with what the natives have told us), all of California is inhabited by numerous tractable and peaceful Indians. And should there at times be any scarcity of some provisions in California, they could be imported by small craft from the productive nearby regions, namely from the lands of the Seris, Guaymas, Sinaloans and Yaquis. Thus, the necessary help and alleviation could be secured.

As for the third difficulty, namely that of the diseases which they experienced during the past months of March, April and May, the same prevailed to an equal degree and with a high mortality rate in various parts of New Spain. Now, if instead of living in Fort Bruno <19> whose water supply turns very salty because of its proximity to the sea, headquarters were set up in the other fort (San Isidro and San Nicolas, or Los Reyes) or on some other site further inland where even in time of drought the sources furnish an abundance of good water, all would live less subject to such diseases. The most efficacious remedy against such as break out on board ship is to secure fresh provisions, and these can easily be brought over in small craft, namely the so-called "long-boats."

The third point is this. It is now very easy to effect the settlement and conversion of California, at least in various region of the country, inasmuch as it lies only 25 leagues across the strait (in some places, only twenty, nineteen or sixteen leagues). This means a sea voyage of ordinarily twenty hours, and sometimes of only fifteen, twelve or even less. <20> We have secured very good ports on both sides of this calm and tranquil gulf.

We have learned two of the native languages <21> and have brought three California Indians to New Spain who already know Spanish well and can act as expert interpreters. <22> But what most facilitates the settlement and conversion is that the people of California are so gentle, submissive and peaceful that even after our men on various occasions had slain a total of thirteen of them, <23> we received no harm from them by way of vengeance, but rather always signal kindness and esteem and even a truly devoted affection, especially the missionaries of the Society of Jesus, whom they consider as heaven-sent teachers and often in times of drought were asked to pray for rain, etc.

It is true that during the last two years to the present, we have baptized only eleven natives, <24> and these were on the point of death. Of the eleven three recovered, and these unfortunately have stayed behind among the pagans. The fewness of baptisms was due to the withholding during the years of the authorization to confer the sacrament with solemnity. The officials here in Mexico City were supposed to send us the decision to continue the enterprise of settling and converting the region, but because this decision was so slow in reaching us over the tortuous route it followed, we proceeded to Matanchel, a port on the mainland of New Spain. <25> We were immediately dispatched to meet and warn the Philippine Galleon; thus property aboard the Manila Galleon worth some four million pesos escaped by heaven's favor the pirates' grasp.

And although I have written a book in Latin <26> called the New Carolinas, on all these themes relating to California, on the voyages and expeditions undertaken to date, on the inhabitants and their ways, on the other Jesuit missions and neighboring pagan tribes of North America, on the vast amounts of money in behalf of the welfare and eternal salvation of souls being spent by his Catholic Majesty (whom God protect) with so sacred intent and so generously, and Father Baltasar de Mansilla, <27> God willing, will take a copy of the book to Spain for publication if superiors approve, nonetheless in the meantime through this letter I come pleading on my knees in behalf of so many souls to the most pious zeal of your Excellency, and beg of you, by the most precious blood of our Creator and Redeemer Jesus Christ, that you deign to assist and help us, as occasion offers in Madrid, in order that the advantage of so ripe a harvest and the vast expenditures of his Catholic Majesty (whom God protect) and the price paid for by the most sacred passion and death of Our Lord be not lost.

My superiors here have promised me that, on the arrival of a favorable decision from Madrid regarding the conversion of California, they will send me to continue in its missions, and then I shall turn over to another the foundations which I have made among the Seris and Guaymas. In just two days I shall be leaving from Mexico City for those missions; <28> I have been provided with church bells, chalices and altar furnishings.

I repeatedly commend all to the fervent prayers of your Excellency, and ask Our Lord to keep your Excellency through the years in true happiness and increase of heaven-sent gifts, as I desire and these souls stand in need.

Mexico City, November 16, 1686.

Most devotedly yours,

Eusebio Francisco Kino

P.S. On the feast days of Saint Francis Xavier and of the Immaculate Conception of Our Lady, in accordance with my promise <29> I shall offer, God willing, my Masses for the intention of your Excellency and the spiritual and temporal welfare of my dear friends, Joaquin, Gabriel and Isabel. I commend to your Excellency the twenty-one Englishmen whom we recently converted here; I refer to this in the hope that there may be some opportunity offered you of securing a mitigation of their prison term which is five years. Do pardon the trouble which my requests may entail. <30>

"Kino Writes to the Duchess:
Letters of Eusebio Francisco Kino, S.J., To The Duchess of Aveiro"
Editor Ernest J. Burrus, S.J. 1965

Favores Celestiales and The Vision
Herbert E. Bolton 

Favores Celestiales

Even more impressive than Kino's maps were his writings. He kept diaries of his travels, wrote letters to friends in Europe, America, and Asia, discussed geographical problems, defended his Pima friends |571| against slander and oppression, bombarded his superiors with accounts of the successes and the needs of his missions, pleaded constantly for more workers, and painted glowing pictures of lands and peoples yet outside the Christian fold. Besides these multitudinous and miscellaneous writings, three major items have come down to us intact. The first of these is the "Exposición Astronómica de el Cometa," which so disturbed Sigüenza. The second is the history of the martyrdom of Father Saeta whose long title begins, "Inocente, Apostólica, y Gloriosa Muerte." This rare manuscript has never yet been published. The third and by far the most important for the historian is the "Favores Celestiales."[1] This great book amounts to an autobiography of Kino and a chronicle of the border from the time when he began his missionary work in Pimería Alta down to 1706. He was not only the apostle but also the historian of Pima Land.

The "Favores Celestiales" is not a unified production, nor was it written primarily as a history. Neither is it a monument to great literary skill. It was compiled in the heat of battle for practical purposes, a fact which gives it all the greater value as a human document. It was prepared in the form of separate reports written from time to time as a means of making known the needs of the missions and the opportunities for greater triumphs of the Faith.

In the writing of the "Favores" Kino was stimulated by Father Thirso González, his friend of Sevilla days, when Father Eusebio had exercised his mechanical skill by making a sundial for Father Thirso. |572| When González became General this early friendship worked to the advantage of the Pima missions. Fired by Kino's glowing reports from the distant American frontier, González encouraged, indeed he requested, him to write an account of what had been accomplished. He even suggested a name for the work, which Kino adopted. Stimulation nearer home was contributed by Fathers Leal and Campos.

So Kino set about the task. When it reached its final form the manuscript consisted of five divisions. Part I was written late in 1699 and brought the story down to that date. [2]  Thus Kino's "Favores Celestiales" and Manje's "Luz de Tierra Incógnita were begun about the same time." Three years passed. González in Rome acknowledged the receipt of Part I of the manuscript and urged Kino to carry the account forward. It was a fresh breath from the missionary frontier and gave a vivid glimpse of the Rim of Christendom. "I read it all, without omitting a word, and I affectionately charge your Reverence that as soon as possible you write the second part." Such praise from the head of the Order thrilled the humble missionary in the wilds of America. Just at this time Provincial Arteaga asked Kino for a report to use in an appeal for missionaries. Impetuous Campos urged him to write it and make it vigorous. "Say as much as you wish . . . petition, petition again; clamor, clamor again!" All these things, says Kino "impel me with great force to write this second part, as my continued and multitudinous occupations permit." So he took up his pen again and wrote two more sections. Part II reached to the end of 1702 and Part III to the end of 1704 [4]

Meanwhile, in May, 1704, Kino finished a short report on the Pima missions in the form of a dedication of the "Favores Celestiales" to King Philip V. [5] That is, it was regarded as a dedication of Parts I, II, and III. In it, with obvious flattery, Kino proposed a new name for Pima Land. Why not call it NEW PHILIPPINES? Surely the fifth Philip was as deserving as the third. In view of the royal cedula issued by Philip V in 1701 favoring the California and Sonora missions, he says, "one cannot refrain from giving them the renowned name of the |573| New Philippines of the Western Indies of the very extensive North America, with the same and even more propriety than that with which, on account of the Catholic zeal of Philip III [6] the conquered islands of the Eastern Indies in Asia were called the Philippines." The reigning monarch doubtless would agree.

There was another hiatus. Then, with new encouragement from various persons, Kino continued the narrative as Part IV, carrying the story to the end of 1706. [7] On November 21, 1708, he signed a new dedication of the work to Philip V. [8] It closely follows that of 1704, but there are innovations. For one thing, he proposes still another name for the new spiritual conquests. This for the Bourbon eye! Now, he says, the new conversions might appropriately be called the New Philippines, - "unless your Royal Majesty prefers, ... that these new conquests . . . should be decorated with the name of the NEW KINGDOM OF NEW NAVARRE. . . . For this new kingdom of the American New Navarre might unite still other neighboring kingdoms which are being conquered with those already conquered, just as the kingdom of Navarre in Europe lies between and unites the crowns and realms of France and Spain." Was Father Eusebio suggesting that New France and New Spain might thus be joined? The conquerors of the "other neighboring kingdoms" to which Kino alluded were of course the Black Robes of New France.

Kino did not continue the chronological narrative of his work beyond the end of 1706, where he had left it in Part IV. This means that for the last five years of his career we lack a detailed account of his doings such as we have for the preceding twenty. But he did add to his chronicle a fifth part. It was not originally written as a division of the "Favores Celestiales", but was incorporated as a suitable conclusion. It is a report to the king, dedicated in 1710, and consists of an extended plea for the promotion of conquests in the northwest and the establishment there of the kingdom to be called New Navarre. [9]

The Master of Dolores attributed all his successes, and indeed, all his tribulations, to the heavenly favors which had been so liberally |574| bestowed upon him. So he called his book Fat/ores Celestiales, as González had suggested. These heavenly favors are extolled with gratitude throughout the work, but are especially set forth in the Prologue. In this preface Kino's writing reached a plane which may well be called inspired, for its beauty of thought and its exaltation of spirit.[10]

The Vision

Just as Kino considered all blessings as celestial favors, he regarded past achievements merely as preludes to future triumphs of the Faith. This view of his work he maintained to the end of his days. In spite of the weight of years, arduous toils, frontier privations, and ceaseless opposition, he continued down to the very last with spirit unbroken, able to dream and plan and work and promote, as he had dreamed and planned and worked and promoted for a third of a century. In the last chapters of the "Favores Celestiales" he paints a picture of the glories, spiritual and temporal, yet to be achieved in Pima Land and, particularly, in the vast regions "más allá." This part V of his history, written mainly in 1708 but signed only a year before his death, illustrates the dauntless optimism of the astounding man. It may be taken as representing the vision of the near future which he nursed in his last days and carried with him when he departed. It also reflects his geographical outlook on North America and Asia. [11]

These new lands, with their numerous and gentle tribes, he said, |575| offered so grand an opportunity to spread the Faith and the power of Spain that seven Christian kingdoms might be formed to replace the ancient heathen Seven Cities. These new kingdoms might be called Nueva Vizcaya, Nuevo Mexico, California Baja, Nueva Navarra, California Alta, Gran Quivira, "and Gran Teguayo or Nueva Borboñia, which is to the north of us, beyond Moqui, and extends to the Sea of the North [12] which Hudson discovered." He means Hudson Bay. His vision was expansive. Nueva Borboñia, or New Bourbon, was intended as a name for New France -- or was it meant for a new jurisdiction in the heart of the continent, embracing the vast prairie regions, of the Mississippi Valley and Canada?

And so, as a conclusion for his book, he sets forth "the very great advantages to both Majesties which can be obtained by the promotion of these new conquests and conversions." It is an enticing vision which he portrays - and is so intended. In part it is the same picture which he drew in 1702 after his return from the mouth of the Colorado River. He appears at his best as a writer of promotion literature.

Kino saw in the missions both temporal and spiritual benefits. At the same time that they spread the Faith they promoted Christian civilization. They would serve, as they had always done, to protect Sonora from the inroads of Apaches and their fellow bandits, who were now penetrating more and more deeply into the heart of the provinces. The Sobaípuris of the San Pedro Valley were still the surest reliance. Chief Coro was still the Spaniards' ablest ally. He should be encouraged. A mission at his village of Quíburi, with a fortification for its defense, would enable Coro to chastise the enemy, "as he is accustomed to do, winning very good victories as always, and even much greater, for the total relief of the province in general, and of Bazeraca in particular."

But it was "más allá" that opportunity lay. Beyond! There was glory for God and the king. Yes, for the old dreamer there was romance! New missions would be the means not only of preserving present provinces, but of adding new ones to the realm. "For there are prudent and weighty persons, zealous for the service of their Majesties, who are of the opinion that in these more than two hundred leagues |576| of rich new lands, inhabited by Indians industrious, recently conquered and reduced, a new kingdom with ease can be founded." And it might be called New Navarre, "as others are called New Biscay, New Galicia, New León.

Kino even dreamed of converting the indomitable Apaches, a hope which required supreme optimism. But he had it. "By promoting the new conversions of this extensive Pimería, with the favor of Heaven we shall be able shortly to enter upon the reduction and conversion of the neighboring Apachería, which lies northeast and north of us. and extends northwest to the very large Colorado River, or Río del Norte, ... for, we having sent messages to those natives up the Colorado River, already they have invited us to enter and see them, and already they give us certain reports that soon, in imitation of the rest, over here, they will be won to our friendship and to the desire of receiving our holy Catholic Faith."

With Apache Land subdued and in the fold the gate would be wide open. "By way of the same Apachería ... we shall be able, with the divine grace, to enter and trade with New Mexico, and with its nearest provinces, Moqui and Zuñi ... for we have also certain reports that before the revolt of New Mexico the Spaniards of those provinces used to come by way of the Apachería to these . . . Sobaíporis to barter maize for hatchets, cloth, sackcloth, blankets, chomites, knives, etc." From New Mexico it would be just a step to the limitless beyond: "northward to Gran Teguayo; northwest to Gran Quibira; and west to California Alta . . . and the South Sea, and to its great Bay of the Eleven Thousand Virgins; [13] to the famous port of Monte Rey; ... and to the very renowned Cape Mendozino." With the aid of Kino's zeal and imagination new kingdoms now were rising fast.

Still beyond. From New Mexico communication would follow with New France-this again for the Bourbon eye - and with the Jesuits there, "and with the new conquests, conversions, and missions which at present they are making with their glorious and apostolic journeys from east to west." A road to Canada would offer a short cut from Sonora to Spain and France, "only half as long as the road which we are accustomed to travel by way of the City of Mexico and ... Vera |577| Cruz; for if the one road is much more than two thousand leagues, the other will be little more than one thousand."

Kino's vision was not limited by the Pacific Ocean. Alluring prospects beckoned still further northwest  - "a convenient land route to Asia, and to Great Tartary, and to Great China, since to the westward of Cape Mendosino and connected therewith follow the land of Jesso; ... the Tierra de la Compañia ... and the lands nearest Japan; and afterward the narrow Strait of Anian, which is no more than ten or twelve leagues across, and has the convenience of an island in the middle by which to pass to Great Tartary and from there to Great China: . . . And it is patent that there is no other Strait of Anian than this one which I mention here. For although Drake, in order to carry his point that California was an island, would feign another Strait of Anian, with another much talked of Sea of the North over here above California, ... it is all a lie." Drake was done for.

Closer home there could be a port of call for the Manila Galleon and direct trade with it overland from Sonora by the land passage now discovered. "These new conversions and this new province of Sonora and all the Kingdom of Nueva Biscaia ... by the land route to California, will be able to provide a port of call for the China Ship and trade with her, and succor with fresh food persons whom she is accustomed to bring ill with the very painful disease of scurvy, originating from their salt, dry, and stale food; all with very great advantages and gains for everybody," and obviating the very long and costly overland transportation from Acapulco. "And this port of call, with all due deference to the navigators of the China ships, ... might be at the Bay of Todos Santos [now Ensenada], or at the famous neighboring port of San Diego."

Then, too, the age-old dream of one fold with one shepherd could now be realized, said Kino. "By the Catholic promotion of these new conquests and conversions ... of this New Navarre, the Catholic empire of the Catholic royal crown and of our Holy Mother, the Roman Catholic Church, will be happily extended, so that all the world may be one fold with one shepherd- "ut fiat unum ovile et unus pastor" [14] - and this, by the divine grace, without great expenditure from the royal chests, and with only the accustomed alms for the missionary fathers."

Finally, with the advance of the mission frontier, the geographical data acquired would make it possible to correct the maps, as Kino already had done in so many particulars, and to dispel the myths which flitted about and cast a deceptive glow across the horizon. "If we continue with the promotion and advancement of these new conversions we shall be able to continue to make accurate maps of North America, the greater part of which has been unknown, or practically unknown. For some ancients blot the map with so many and such errors and with such fictitious grandeurs and feigned riches as a crowned king whom they carry in chairs of gold, with walled cities, and with lakes of quicksilver and gold or amber, and of corals. With reason Father Mariana rebukes them for deceiving us with these riches which do not exist. [15] But they do not say a word about the principal riches that exist there, namely the innumerable souls ransomed by the most precious blood of our Redeemer, Jesus Christ."

This was the vision. And there were means in sight for making it a reality. The celestial favors would be supplied, of course, by divine benevolence. The temporal means at hand Kino now proceeded to enumerate. The list of them constituted a description of the Pima missions and their resources. It was a summary of Kino's own achievement. He trusted in God, but assumed the immediate responsibility himself.

Among the assets at hand for realizing these spiritual and temporal glories, the old promoter listed even the humble cabbage and the lowly garlic. "There are already very rich and abundant fields, plantings and crops of wheat, maize, frijoles, chick peas, beans, lentils, bastard chick peas, etc. There are good gardens, . . . vineyards for wine for masses, and cane-fields of sweet cane for syrup and panocha, [16] and with the favor of heaven, before long for sugar," There are many Castilian fruit trees, such as fig trees, quinces, oranges, pomegranates, peaches, apricots, pears, apples, mulberries, pecans, tunas, etc.; all sorts of garden stuff, such as cabbages, melons, watermelons, white cabbage, lettuce, onions, |579| leeks, garlic, anise, pepper, mustard, mint, Castilian roses, white lilies, etc., and very good timber for all kinds of building, such as pine, ash, cypress, walnut, China-trees, mesquite, alders, poplar, willow, and tamarind."

Quite apart from its relation to Kino's vision, the enumeration is eloquent testimony to the part which he and his associates had played in the transit of European culture to the deserts of Pima Land.

Dr. Herbert E.  Bolton
"Rim of Christendom   -  A Biography of Eusebio Francisco Kino: Pacific Coast Pioneer"
Chapter 148 "Favores Celestiales"
Chapter 149 "The Vision"
Pages 570 - 579

Notes

Note numbers are in brackets [ ] 

[1]   The full title of the work (translated into English) is "Celestial Favors of Jesus, Most Holy Mary, and the Most Glorious Apostle of the Indies, San Francisco Xavier, Experienced in the New Conquests and New Conversions of the New Kingdom of Nueva Navarra of this Unknown North America; and the Land-Passage to California in thirty-five degrees of Latitude; with the new Cosmographic Map of these New and Extensive Lands which hitherto have been unknown. Dedicated to the Royal Majesty of Philip V, Very Catholic King and Grand Monarch of the Spains and the Indies." It was published in English in 1919 under the title of "Kino's Historical Memoir of Pimería Alta." Edited by Herbert Eugene Bolton (Cleveland). Kino mentions several compositions by himself which have not come down to us. Of one he wrote in February, 1702: "The Treatise on California Baxa, entitled "Novae Carolinas," because with the so Catholic expenses of Don Carlos II, this conquest was begun, is already written. There only lacks to add to it the best, which is the present permanence and perseverance, thanks to the Lord. of the conquest and of its new conversions and missions" (Kino to Thirso Gonzalez, Dolores, February 2, 1702.) In his dedication of the "Favores Celestiales" dated November 21, 1708, he says, "I have just written another small treatise called "Manifiesto Cosmografico de que la California no es Ysla, sino Penisla, o Continente con esta Nueva Espana" (Cosmographic Proof that California is not an Island, but a Peninsula, and is Continuous with this New Spain) ... and, with its map, I am sending it to Mexico to the father provincial, as his Reverence asks me to do." I have never seen this document, and I assume that it has never been printed ("Hist. Mem.", I, 91). The sub­ stance of this work, it is inferred, is contained in the "Favores Celestiales", Parte II, Lib. iv, Cap. 8.

[2]   Kino, "Favores Celestiales", Parte I; "Hist. Mem.", I, 103-224.
[3]   Perhaps one was suggested by the other.
[4]   Kino, "Favores Celestiales," Partes II and III; Hist, Mem., I, 225-379; II, 2S-JI 1.
[5]   Dated May I, 1704. It is nearly identical with the Dedicatory of Nov. 21, 1708, included in the "Favores Celestiales". The original manuscript is in the Maggs Collection (London), No. 26.
[6]   It was Philip II for whom the Philippines were named.
[7]   Kino, "Favores Celestiales", Parte IV; "Hist. Mem.", II, II 3-220.
[8]   Kino, "Favores Celestiales", Dedication and Prologue; "Hist. Mem.", II, 85-95.
[9]   Kino, "Favores Celestiales", Parte V; "Hist. Mem.", II, 221-275.
[10] Kino, "Favores Celestiales", Prologue; "Hist, Mem.", I, 97-102. Regarding the "Favores Celestiales" there was one unfortunate circumstance. Kino at some time in his later years seems to have lost faith in his own findings as to the latitude of the head of the Gulf. He had explored diligently, made frequent astronomical observations, and correctly placed the head of the Gulf near 32 degrees. His maps of the "Paso por Tierra" were based on these findings and are surprisingly accurate. Yet, after all this, for some unaccountable reason Kino concluded that the land passage was near 35°.  Moreover, at some time that has not been determined he went through the manuscript of the "Favores Celestiales" and in several places changed 32° to 35°. That the alterations were made by Kino himself is beyond a doubt, for they are in his well-known hand. While these changes mar the treatise they do not discredit it. Kino's latitudes as determined by his own observations were generally accurate and generally consistent. When the great work is again edited the altered latitudes should be restored, thus giving the treatise the consistency which it had before it was doctored.
[11] Kino, "Favores Celestiales", Parte V, Libs. iii-iv; "Hist. Mem.", II, 254-275.
[12] Kino, "Favores Celestiales", Dedication; "Hist. Mem.", I, 90-91.
[13] San Quintin Bay.
[14] John X. 16: Et fiet unum ovile, et unus pastor. -" And there shall be one fold and one
shepherd."
[15] Mariana, Juan de, Historiae de rebus Hispaniae (Toleti, 1592).
[16] Farther south on the Pacific Coast there were numerous sugar mills at this time.

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Kino's Historical Writings

Selected Bibliography of Translations

Historical Memoir of the Pimeria Alta. Herbert Bolton, translated, Cleveland: Arthur Clark Co., 1919. 2 vols, Reprint: Berkeley: University of California, 1948. 2 vols, in one.

Kino's Biography of Francisco Javier Saeta. Translated and with an Epilogue by Charles W. Polzer, S. J.; original Spanish transcription edited by Ernest J. Burrus, S. J. Rome and St. Louis: Jesuit Historical Institute, 1971.

Kino's Plan for Development of the Pimeria Alta. Ernest J. Burrus, S. J., translated. Tucson: Arizona Pioneer's Historical Society, 1961.

Kino Reports to Headquarters. Ernest Burrus, S. J., translated. Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Jesu, 1954.

Kino Writes to the Duchess. Ernest Burrus, S. J. translated. Rome: Institutum Historicum Societatis Jesu, 1965.

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